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November 12, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

12 Democrats Warn of “Massively Corrupt” Golden Dome Missile Defense Plans

By John LaForge

A dozen Senate and House Democrats sent a letter to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth July 8th, calling the proposed Golden Dome missile defense program “a corrupt waste of taxpayers” dollars that, like its earlier versions, can’t work.

“[P]lans for Golden Dome could make it prohibitively expensive, operationally ineffective, massively corrupt, and detrimental to U.S. and global security by igniting a nuclear arms race with Russia and China,” the letter said. “We are concerned that Golden Dome will be much more effective at wasting taxpayer dollars than countering missile attacks. We urge you to rein in this dangerous plan.”

Led by Senators Ed Markey, D-Mass., and Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., and Reps. John Garamendi, D-Calif., and Don Beyer, D-Virg., the letter warned that, “Estimates by the Congressional Budget Office [are] that the system could cost up to $542 billion to complete [over the next 20 years], more than three times the cost that the Trump administration projected.”

To save some money, Montana Republican Senator Steve Daines has proposed a federal exemption from the 1969 National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), whose requirements apply to major government construction projects.

Environmental protection is the function of NEPA, but meeting its requirements would slow and vastly increase the cost of replacing the 400 underground missile silos, their 40 underground launch control centers, and hundreds of miles of buried cables that connect missiles to controllers.

Senator Daines is a long-standing member of the ICBM lobby — senators with Minuteman missiles in their states. He has worked strenuously to create support for the dangerous, destabilizing U.S. land-based missiles, offering an amendment to the must-pass military appropriations bill that would exempt the Air Force from NEPA compliance.

Congress may lawfully exempt the Golden Dome plan and any other Pentagon project from NEPA requirements if Sec. Hegseth declares that “it is critical to national security,” or “is necessary for national defense.” Under NEPA rules, Hegseth must inform Congress of the reasons for any exemption, but the reasons may be classified “secret” if he determines secrecy is “necessary for reasons of national security.”

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter

November 12, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

As Sentinel ICBM Costs Skyrocket, Air Force Hosts Photo Op

By John LaForge

At Vandenberg Space Force Base in California September 14, the Pentagon trotted out for the cameras the first full-scale model of the planned Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM). While little more than a photo op, General Dale White, the Director of Pentagon’s Critical Major Weapon Systems in Arlington, Virginia, called the demonstration a “milestone.”

Sentinel is the missile the Air Force plans to put into 400 newly built underground silos spread around F. E. Warren Air Force Base in Wyoming, Malmstrom Air Force Base in Montana, and Minot Air Force Base in North Dakota. The missile is intended to replace today’s 400 Minuteman III ICBMs. Stars and Stripes reports that the Air Force has said the massive project of replacing the current missiles “is expected to take well into the later part of the century,” or around 50 years. Air Force contractors intend to build new underground missile silos, new underground launch control centers (where personnel try to stay awake while maintaining launch readiness), and replace hundreds of miles of buried cables that connect the weapons to their controllers.

In July 2024, the Pentagon’s estimated total costs for the Sentinel program (not including warheads) was $141 billion in constant 2020 dollars, which was 81% (or $63 billion) above the program’s first estimate of $78 billion. The estimated life cycle cost of the Sentinel program was estimated then to be $260 billion, but is undoubtedly higher today.

Meanwhile, according to the ICBM Act, sponsored by Senator Ed Markey (D-Mass), the National Nuclear Security Administration which builds U.S. H-bombs, is developing a new replacement ICBM warhead for the Sentinel, the W87–1, and is expanding plutonium production for the warhead’s cores, costing at least $14 billion and $18 billion, respectively.

Gen. James Cartwright, former Vice-Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and former Commander of U.S. Strategic Command, wrote, with former Secretary of Defense William Perry, “[T]he greatest danger is not a Russian bolt but a U.S. blunder — that we might accidentally stumble into nuclear war. As we make decisions about which weapons to buy, we should use this simple rule: If a nuclear weapon increases the risk of accidental war and is not needed to deter an intentional attack, we should not build it…. Certain nuclear weapons, such as … the [intercontinental ballistic missile], carry higher risks of accidental war that, fortunately, we no longer need to bear. We are safer without these expensive weapons, and it would be foolish to replace them.” (Washington Post, Nov. 16, 2017)

⸺ Stars and Stripes, Sept. 14, 2026; the Congressional “ICBM Act”

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter

November 12, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Unavailable, Unusable, Deterrentless: Stranded U.S. H-bomb Unit in Germany Should be First to Go

By John LaForge

For the last three years, the U.S. B61 hydrogen bombs stationed in Germany have been stranded at Büchel Air Force Base, separated from the fighter-jets and pilots that are trained and ready to drop the H-bombs on Russia. The H-bombs have been perfectly unavailable for nuclear attacks, i.e. deterrence.

The nuclear “deterrent” mission that the U.S. claims the transferred nuclear weapons provide to Germany vanished in 2022, when massive remodeling of the Büchel Air Base began. A major runway extension forced the base’s 46 Tornado fighter jets to be moved in the meanwhile to Nörvenich Air Base, 28 miles away. The billions of euros being spent on Büchel’s rebuild (widening of taxiways and airfield intersections; total rebuild of the runway; new cargo apron for a taxiway; and a new F-35 “campus”) is in preparation for the delivery of new U.S. B61-12 thermonuclear bombs, and the 2027 arrival of new F-35 fighter-jets that Germany is buying to carry them.

Anti-nuclear activists placed sunflowers, a symbol of nuclear disarmament, in the fence at Germany’s Büchel air base Thur., July 24, marking the 30th anniversary of protests at the base. Photo by Luthar Lange.

Since the major reconstruction has meant that Germany’s “nuclear deterrent” was absent for years — with the H-bombs locked in underground vaults, and the jets that carry them stationed elsewhere — the deterrentless U.S. Air Force’s 702nd Munitions Support Squadron (or MUNSS) has proven to be needless. It should be the first unit withdrawn from Germany under Trump’s surprise announcement that the number of U.S. military personnel in Germany would be cut.

Declaring he would slash the U.S. military presence in Germany, Trump said May 2, “We are going to cut way down, and we’re cutting a lot further than 5,000.” Liana Fix reported for the Council on Foreign Relations that 5,000 troops were about one-seventh of the roughly 38,000 GIs currently stationed in Germany. The Pentagon promptly claimed that the decision to withdraw 5,000 troops followed a “thorough review of the force posture in Europe.”

The factual, fatuous reason for the draw-down was Trump’s temper tantrum that followed German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s daring public statement that the U.S. was being “humiliated” by Iran. The Guardian reported that Merz said to students in April, “[T]he Iranians are … letting the Americans travel to Islamabad and then leave again without any result. An entire nation is being humiliated by the Iranian leadership….”

The Pentagon says the 702nd MUNSS is needed since it “receives, stores, maintains, controls, and employs war reserve munitions in support of the 33rd Tactical Air Wing’s role in NATO’s strike mission.” Of course, this has proven over the last four years to be mission impossible because of the ongoing construction.

At the Büchel Air Base’s website a “Commander’s Welcome Letter” for new personnel, explains: “The 702nd consists of approximately 170 personnel across 26 different Air Force Specialties, responsible for maintaining, operating, and securing $6B [billion] in Protection Level-1 assets….”

“Protection Level-1 assets” refer to the twenty U.S. B61 gravity-drop hydrogen bombs that are stationed at Büchel. This arsenal is the crux of the so-called “nuclear sharing” arrangement between the United States and Germany (and four other NATO countries). According to a Shaw Air Force Base manual, “Protection Level-1” resources “include nuclear weapons and … systems critical to the success of active nuclear missions….”

For decades, Germany’s Tactical Air Force Wing 33 has been operating about 46 Tornado jet fighters, which can deliver the twenty U.S. H-bombs — the only remaining U.S. nuclear weapons in Germany — which are maintained by the 702nd MUNSS. The Tornado jets are flown by German pilots who train to carry the U.S. bombs, and to detonate them against Russia if a U.S. president so orders.

The old Tornado warplanes are being replaced by Lockheed-Martin’s flashy new F-35A fighter jets, and Germany is paying over ten billion euros, or $11.4 billion, according to Aero.de Dec. 12, 2022. Aero reported June 24, 2025 that the F-35s are “intended to support Germany’s so-called ‘nuclear sharing’ program — a NATO strategy under which allies have access to U.S. nuclear weapons in the event of war.”

The Tornados have recently returned to Büchel, but their 4-year absence shows that the stationing of U.S. nuclear weapons and the 702nd MUNSS in Germany is absolutely unnecessary.

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, US Bombs Out of Germany

August 1, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Unavailable, Unethical, Unhinged: U.S. H-bomb Unit in Germany Should be First to Go

Anti-nuclear activists placed sunflowers, a symbol of nuclear disarmament, in the fence at Germany’s Büchel air base Thur., July 24, marking the 30th anniversary of protests at the base. Photo by Luthar Lange.

For the last four years, the U.S. hydrogen bombs stationed in Germany have been stranded at Büchel Air Force Base, southeast of Cologne, unavailable to the fighter jets and pilots that are rehearsed and ready to detonate them against Russia. These WMD have been unusable for nuclear attacks or threats — i.e. ‘deterrence’ — since 2022 because the base is getting a makeover.

The deterrence that the U.S. and Germany say the nuclear weapons provide disappeared in 2022 when massive remodeling of the base began. A total rebuild of its runway and more forced the base’s 46 Tornado fighter jets to be moved to Nörvenich Air Base, 28 miles away, to practice their take-offs, attacks, and landings.

Because the base’s reconstruction has left the ‘nuclear deterrent’ unavailable for years, the unoccupied and redundant U.S. Air Force’s 702d Munitions Support Squadron (or MUNSS) should be the first unit withdrawn from Germany under Trump’s recent orders.

The Department of War says the 702d MUNSS is needed because it ‘receives, stores, maintains, controls, and employs war reserve munitions in support of [Büchel’s] 33rd Tactical Air Wing’s role in NATO’s strike mission.’ This, of course, has been mission impossible for at least four years, a pause that means relief from the self-destructive threat of nuclear strike missions aimed at Russia.

The ‘Commander’s Welcome Letter’ for new arrivals, on Büchel’s website, explains: ‘The 702d consists of approximately 170 personnel across 26 different Air Force Specialties, responsible for maintaining, operating, and securing $6B [billion] in Protection Level-1 assets….’ And according to a Shaw Air Force Base manual, ‘Protection Level 1’ resources ‘include nuclear weapons and … systems critical to the success of active nuclear missions….’

Büchel’s nuclear mission involves twenty U.S. B61 H-bombs — the only remaining nuclear weapons in Germany — which are polished on base by the 702d MUNSS. This arsenal is the crux of a so-called ‘nuclear sharing’ arrangement between the United States and Germany (and four other NATO countries). But neither ‘active nuclear missions’ nor any other kind have flown out of Büchel since 2022, leaving the 702d on holiday.

Declaring he would reduce Germany’s U.S. military presence, Trump said May 2, “We are going to cut way down, and we’re cutting a lot further than 5,000.” Liana Fix reported for the Council on Foreign Relations that 5,000 troops were about one-seventh of the roughly 38,000 GIs currently stationed in Deutschland. Secretary Hegseth promptly had the Pentagon claim that the decision on withdrawals had followed a ‘thorough review of the force posture in Europe.’

The actual fatuous reason for the potential drawdown was a Trump tantrum over German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s derisive public assessment that the U.S. was being ‘humiliated’ by Iran. Merz said to students last April, ‘[T]he Iranians are … letting the Americans travel to Islamabad and then leave again without any result. An entire nation is being humiliated by the Iranian leadership’, The Guardian reported. Trump’s reactionary fit opens a door to the long-sought-after removal of U.S. nuclear weapons from Germany, something that the Parliament/Bundestag — moved by mass public pressure — formally instructed the government to pursue in March 2010.

For decades, Tactical Air Force Wing 33 has reportedly been operating 46 Tornado jet fighters. The Tornados are flown by German pilots who train to carry the U.S. H-bombs and to detonate them against Russia if a U.S. president so orders. While the Tornados returned to Büchel this year, the first F-35s are set to replace them starting in 2027.

Indeed, the two billion Euros being spent on the Büchel rebuild (widening taxiways and airfield intersections; new runway; new cargo apron; and a new so-called fighter jet ‘campus’), is in preparation for the delivery of new U.S. ‘B61-model 12’ thermonuclear bombs, and the arrival of new F-35A fighter-jets to carry them.

The F-35s from Lockheed Martin cost Germany over ten billion euros, or $11.4 billion, according to Aero.de, Dec. 12, 2022. And Aero reported June 24, 2025, that the F-35s are ‘intended to support Germany’s so-called “nuclear sharing” program — a NATO deterrence strategy under which allies have access to U.S. nuclear weapons in the event of war.’

If there is any seriousness to Trump’s erratic outburst about troop withdrawals from Germany, nothing could be more reassuring, more stabilizing, and more de-escalatory than throwing out the 702d MUNSS along with its nuclear suicide mission.

John LaForge is a Co-director of Nukewatch, a peace and environmental justice group in Wisconsin, and edits its newsletter.

Filed Under: Direct Action, Military Spending, Nuclear Weapons, Social Issues, US Bombs Out of Germany, War

June 21, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Biggest Arms Dealers Break Sales Record

Anti-war protesters block access to Lockheed Martin subsidiary in St ...

In December 2025, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) issued its 2024 list of the biggest arms producers. SIPRI’s data shows that annual revenue from sales of weapons and military services by the 100 top war profiteers rose in 2024 to a record $679 billion, “the highest level ever recorded by SIPRI,” said Lorenzo Scarazzato of SIPRI’s Military Expenditure and Arms Production Program. In 2024, the combined arms revenues of 39 U.S. companies in the top 100 reached $334 billion. These weapons dealing giants include Lockheed Martin (F-35 jet fighter), Northrop Grumman (Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missiles), and General Dynamics (Columbia class ballistic missile submarines). The three Israeli arms companies in the ranking increased their combined arms revenues to $16.2 billion. “The growing backlash over Israel’s actions in Gaza seems to have had little impact on interest in Israeli weapons,” said Zubaida Karim, researcher with the SIPRI Military Expenditure and Arms Production Program. — The new data is available from SIPRI, www.sipri.org.

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter

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