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June 21, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Executive Order and Global Hegemony

A plan for U.S. world domination is outlined in glowing, benign terms in a December 2025 executive order (EO) from the White House titled “Ensuring American Space Superiority.”

The EO says U.S. “superiority” from outer space should include “expanding American presence in space”; “establishing initial elements of a permanent lunar outpost by 2030”; demonstrating “missile defense technologies by 2028”; “ensuring the ability to detect, characterize, and counter threats”; “[increasing] space security spending”; “investing in America’s space industrial base”; “growing a vibrant commercial space economy”; and “attracting at least $50 billion of additional investment in American space markets by 2028.”

NASA explained the recent Artemis II lunar flyby in April as “aligning agencywide initiatives to achieve President Donald Trump’s National Space Policy and advance American leadership in space.”Image result for nasa artemis !!

The EO promotes “utilization of space nuclear power by deploying nuclear reactors on the Moon and in orbit, including a lunar surface reactor ready for launch by 2030.” The Artemis flyby can be seen as a scouting mission for U.S. settler occupation of the moon.

The thought of sending nuclear reactors into space might raise a political uproar in Florida and Texas where radioactive fallout from lift-off failures would contaminate soil, water, and the food chain across thousands of square miles.The reentry of failed orbiters would also spread radioactive materials far and wide.

The EO also calls for “detecting, characterizing, and countering potential adversary placement of nuclear weapons in space” — weapons outlawed by the 1967 Outer Space Treaty. China and Russia have proposed a treaty more completely prohibiting weapons in space, but the U.S. refuses to join treaty negotiations.

— Futurism, Mar. 24, 2026; Executive Orders, “Ensuring American Space Superiority,” Dec. 18, 2025

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter, Uncategorized

February 4, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

The Double-Threat: New Nuclear Power and the Data Center Boom

Graphic by Rise and Repair Alliance, riseandrepair.org

By Lindsay Potter

Small modular and so-called “advanced” nuclear technology is riding the coat tails of yet another capitulation to the seemingly unstoppable march of
“progress.” Progress not in feeding or housing families, lighting or heating homes, or providing jobs and education, but in the unchecked development of computer technology and artificial intelligence.

In the face of soaring cancer rates over the last five decades, despite consistent proof of the connection between nuclear power and nuclear weapons proliferation, despite the generations-long objections of indigenous communities bearing the burden of uranium mining, and the more than seventy years of reactor operations without a true high-level radioactive waste storage solution — tech billionaires are personally financing the next wave of nuclear energy infrastructure.

But why? Renewable energy sources are growing at a remarkable rate. Scientists and researchers have shown that current and projected grid loads through 2030 and 2050 can be met using renewable sources without nuclear. Renewable energy costs less. According to Forbes, nuclear is the most expensive way to generate electricity. Renewable sources can be built in a fraction of the time it takes to construct new nuclear. However, the goliaths of computer and technology innovation insist small modular nuclear reactors (SMNRs) are the only way to generate enough power for their coming wave of new data centers.

What are SMNRs?

There are many different reactor designs out there, with different fuel sources and parent companies, but a small modular nuclear reactor is typically any reactor producing between 20-300 megawatts of electricity. There are no commercially operational SMNRs in the United States. Many SMNR designs require fuel different from conventional reactors and those experimental fuel sources are still under development and not scaled commercially. Companies such as Oklo, already permitted to proceed with a SMNR design at the Idaho National Lab site, would be unable to produce fuel until at least 2030. According to Reuters, the U.S. Department of Energy estimates the domestic demand for certain new types of SMNR fuel could reach 50 metric tons per year by 2035. However, the only U.S. maker of the fuel produced 900 kilograms in 2024. All of this takes enormous amounts of funding to develop and test. This fuel processing infrastructure still requires mining of new uranium and leaves additional radioactive waste — from the reprocessing of waste fuel into new fuel.

The first SMNR project approved in the U.S. was cancelled when the cost per megawatt hour ballooned 53% and subscribers pulled out. The four SMNRs that are operating — in China, Russia, and Argentina — cost 3-7 times more than predicted. The capital costs per kilowatt hour for SMNRs are 41% higher than for large reactors. A 2022 study found that SMNRs increase the volume of nuclear waste by a factor of 2-30 times over conventional reactors.

In nuclear reactor operator Xcel Energy’s current 2024-2040 resource plan, its own modeling EnCompass software did not choose an SMNR when given the option to select one among future sources of energy generation. This proves even Xcel’s own software, when confronted with projected energy demands, cannot justify the cost of new nuclear infrastructure.

The data center connection

Nukewatch joins other water protectors and environmental groups at the Rise and Repair Rally Day at the Minnesota capitol to protest the proposed repeal of the state’s 31-year-old nuclear moratorium.

Data centers, used to power A.I. computing technology, can require an entire large-scale commercial reactor’s output equivalent. New nuclear reactors are not necessary to address the climate crisis, to cut out fossil fuels, or to meet the needs of the average person. New nuclear is being green washed and promoted because it is the silver bullet for the data center boom’s astronomical energy appetite.

The largest data centers can use as much electricity as the entire city of Minneapolis. If the total number of data centers proposed in Minnesota are built, they would require as much electricity as every home in Minnesota, or roughly 2.3 million houses. Many regulators and local governments do not have oversight in place for how to track and vet these data center projects. Georgia Power anticipates that data center growth will cause electricity demands to triple in the next decade.

But some communities are fighting back. In Tucson, Arizona, local leaders voted down Amazon’s Project Blue data center proposal. In Missouri, the St. Charles City Council unanimously adopted a year-long moratorium for data center proposals in the area. In Denver, local resistance and the city council halted a SMNR 48 hours after it was proposed.

Hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars are being handed out as subsidies to experimental SMNR developers. Additionally, Amazon, Google, Meta, and Microsoft are directly investing in or are in negotiations to purchase power from SMNR startups. Such tech figureheads as Bill Gates, OpenAI’s Sam Altman, Peter Thiel (a co-founder of PayPal and Palantir Technologies), Unity software’s David Helgason, and Amazon’s “Climate Pledge Fund” are privately funding SMNR research and development.

Why the moratorium matters

Despite opposition from the Prairie Island Indian Community — the closest reservation to a nuclear reactor and temporary waste storage in the U.S. — and environmental groups, the 1994 Minnesota state legislature passed a law permitting nuclear waste storage onsite at the Prairie Island reactors. This 1994 law included the nuclear moratorium — which bans consideration of proposed new nuclear reactors. Xcel requested additional waste storage at Prairie Island in 2003, 2005, 2008, 2023, and 2024. Over the last 55 years, the Prairie Island Indian Community has received only a fraction of the hundreds of millions of dollars given to other towns or communities near the reactors.

A few stalwart pro-nuclear legislators have tried over the last thirty years to repeal the moratorium. Several bills failed in 2025 and are likely to be introduced in the next session. The moratorium is a crucial point in keeping SMNRs and more data centers out of the state of Minnesota and protecting fresh water. While a hyperscale data center can require millions of gallons of water a year, a small modular reactor can consume on average 1.5 billion gallons of water per-year for cooling, depending on the design and size of the reactor.

The severe health and environmental risks posed by highly radioactive nuclear fuel waste was at the heart of the creation of the moratorium in
Minnesota, and that problem remains unresolved, especially in the face of a new nuclear boom.

The U.S. has more than 95,000 metric tons of high-level radioactive used nuclear fuel and has no long-term storage solution. The only attempted storage site at Yucca Mountain, Nevada had an estimated cost of $96 billion. After spending $8 billion and eighteen years, the project failed. Any repository would need to isolate radioactive waste from the environment for hundreds of thousands of years, requiring engineering beyond anything existing today and incurring maintenance costs generations beyond the operational life of any nuclear reactor.

According to Brice Smith, in his report for the Institute for Energy and Environmental Research, in the scenario of proposed expansion of nuclear power through 2050, in order to keep up with the production of high-level radioactive nuclear waste fuel, a new Yucca Mountain repository would need to open every three to six years to store the waste.

It is crucial now, more than ever, that states such as Minnesota maintain their nuclear moratoriums. These are the only guardrails to slow down data centers and the wholesale deployment of untested new nuclear technology. Without the moratoriums, there is an imminent threat that much of the funding meant to help transition the grid to renewable energy will be spent on nuclear infrastructure that is designed to serve the needs of tech giants, not the needs of the people.

Some, such as Minnesota Senator Spencer Igo, sponsoring legislation to repeal the moratorium, have suggested that the moratorium is impeding innovation in the nuclear power sector. To the contrary, according to a Congressional Budget Office report examining funding from 1948-2018, nuclear received three times more research and development funding than renewables and twice as much as fossil fuels. With the wealthiest and most technologically resourced people on the planet — and the federal government and U.S. military backing this industry it is hard to imagine any impediment.

Igo and others insist that removing the moratorium would only be in the service of using ‘all the tools in the toolbox’ and that regulators can be trusted to ensure only infrastructure that serves the public interest will be built. But time and again the NRC and Minn. Public Utilities Commission have been found to cater to the wealth of corporate utility shareholders who heavily lobby regulators. These regulators almost never deny applications.

Those who stand to gain from new nuclear deployment will scheme to see data centers and small reactors in towns across the country ahead of any large movement to stop them. Communities have already risen up to protect local water, the right to affordable energy, and the right to fight further consolidation of wealth. People everywhere must join the call to keep nuclear moratoriums, in fact to increase the number of them nationwide, in a stand against the railroading of the public by the wealthiest few. Just as Exxon lied about climate change science, the Silicon Valley influencers have been pushing nuclear as green in order to stage this very play, and now their aims are being laid bare.

Sources: U.S. Dept. of Energy; TechCrunch; Sierra Club; Forbes; Arjun Makhijani and Brice Smith, Institute for Energy and Environmental Research; Ed Lyman, Union of Concerned Scientists; Mark Jacobson, Stanford University; Reuters; National Academy of Sciences; Scientific American; S.F. No. 1706, Minnesota Session Laws; MPR News; KJZZ News; KCUR News, NRDC

Filed Under: Environment, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Protect the Water Close Xcel's Monticello Reactor, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure, Radioactive Waste, Renewable Energy, Uncategorized

February 4, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Wisconsin: Ten Years without a Nuclear Moratorium

The Kewaunee nuclear power station, that recently applied to the NRC for permitting to build new nuclear reactors at its site in Wisconsin. (Photo: EnergySolutions)

By Kelly Lundeen

The pendulum has come full swing in the ten short years since the dairy state went from guarding against further radioactive waste production to actively promoting nuclear power with taxpayer money. Between 1983 and 2016 Wisconsin was shielded from any new commercial nuclear reactors by a moratorium against reactor construction. Without the moratorium the red carpet has been laid down for a nuclear industry gala. The year 2025 saw state approval of pro-nuclear legislation and the first application to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) for a small modular nuclear reactor, not to mention a license extension for the state’s only operating nuclear power facility (see “Wisconsin Reactors Approved to Run Til 80” on p.6).

Over the last five years Wisconsin has seen proposals for small modular nuclear reactors (SMNR) come, go, and pop up again. In 2021 Wisconsin-based Dairyland Electric Cooperative signed an agreement with NuScale Power to explore the potential deployment of NuScale’s so-called “advanced” reactor design. A similar proposal failed in Idaho when projected costs doubled and local stakeholders called off the deal. Policy director of Columbia Riverkeeper Kelly Campbell commented, “After losing their customer, NuScale’s stock plunged, it laid off nearly a third of its workforce, and it was sued by its investors and investigated for investor fraud. Then its CEO sold off most of his stock shares.” Even though the Wisconsin Dairyland-NuScale agreement has yet to be formally rescinded, the plan has faded away.

Other optimistic SMNR developers apparently don’t expect the same failure. Along the Lake Michigan shoreline sits the Kewaunee Power Station, Wisconsin’s most recently shuttered nuclear reactor. It closed in 2013 and is now undergoing decommissioning. A new plan could see a return to production of radioactive waste on Kewaunee grounds, along with a little electricity, potentially to be gobbled up by an adjacent data center. A SMNR has been proposed at the site after its owner EnergySolutions signed an agreement with the Canadian company Terrestrial Energy in December 2024 to explore deployment of its Integral Molten Salt nuclear reactor design. Molten salt explodes when exposed to air and reactors cooled with it have all failed. In April 2025, EnergySolutions submitted an early site permit to the NRC for a SMNR in partnership with WEC Group, parent company of WE Energies. The earliest projections for producing a bit of electricity are for 2038.

The future of incredibly expensive nuclear power depends on enormous government taxpayer handouts. Wisconsin’s legislature and governor have put bipartisan support behind this corporate welfare. Last summer the state approved “two bills to advance the state’s nuclear energy innovation by requiring a study of nuclear energy opportunities and potential nuclear power and fusion sites in Wisconsin and creating a Nuclear Power Summit Board designed to help advance nuclear power… and showcase Wisconsin’s leadership in the nuclear industry,” according to a press release from the office of Democratic governor Tony Evers. That means more subsidies to create a supply of unnecessary energy that will arrive to the market too expensive and too late when alternatives to fossil fuels are needed now.

The nuclear moratorium was a protection from the onslaught of radioactive threats facing the state today. Without a moratorium, states across the country like Wisconsin are left fighting on multiple fronts. Currently under review in the state legislature is a bill that would funnel taxpayer funds into building a new nuclear reactor. This kind of taxpayer bailout for the nuclear industry would have been impossible in Wisconsin a decade ago.

— WMTV15, Oct. 15; Wisconsin Public Radio, May 14; EnergySolutions, May 13, 2025; Oregon Capital Chronicle, Oct. 29, 2024

Filed Under: Environment, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter, Uncategorized

February 4, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Harvard Study Confirms Reactor Radionuclides in Soil and House Dust Near Pilgrim Reactor

A recently published study by the Harvard School of Public Health and Dr. Marco Kaltofen looked at samples of soil and house dust from within 8.1 miles of the Pilgrim nuclear reactor, now closed, on Cape Cod Bay in Mass. The study found radionuclides only produced by reactor operations — such as cesium-137. At 0.6 miles from the reactor, cesium-137 and lead-210 were at 20 times the so-called ‘background’ levels. These findings are not surprising after decades of reactor operations and the spread of contamination from decommissioning, yet this may prompt a larger study. In 1996, the Mass. Dept. of Health documented rates of adult leukemia were four times higher in people living or working closer to Pilgrim. The study is available from Environmental Engineering Science at the following link: https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/15579018251371131. — Southeastern Mass. Health Study, Archives of Environmental Health, Vol. 51, July-August 1996

(Robin Lubbock/WBUR)

Decades of resistance to the Pilgrim Reactor. Photo and story: WBUR.

Filed Under: Environment, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure, Radioactive Waste, Uncategorized

November 5, 2025 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Long-Term Operation of South Africa’s Koeberg Reactors: A Costly Gamble Enters Phase Two

By Lydia Petersen

CAPE TOWN, South Africa ⸺ In July 2024, Eskom Corp. brought Unit 2 of the Koeberg nuclear reactor station ⸺ a cornerstone of South Africa’s nuclear so-called Long-Term Operation (LTO) strategy ⸺ back online after significant delays. Framed as a “fix for energy insecurity and climate change,” the project is mired in cost overruns, missed deadlines, and legal wrangling. In July 2025, Eskom, owner and operator of the Koeberg reactors, was court-ordered to pay 1-billion South African rands (approximately $56.4 million) over disputes tied to a delayed steam generator replacement. The court’s decision exposes the risks and contradictions of extending aging nuclear infrastructure, not only for South Africa, but for the world, and is a global caution against nuclear “solutions” to the climate crisis.

A crumbling timeline

The repeated delays in the restart of Unit 2 disrupted Eskom’s energy planning and deepened the country’s electricity crisis during which South Africa has been experiencing rolling black-outs. While Koeberg Unit 1 received a 20-year operating license extension, the decision on Unit 2’s extension was deferred. The National Nuclear Regulator (NNR) has since opened a public comment period on the proposed extension, even as the unit resumes operations. With Unit 1 now offline for a planned outage, Koeberg will not run at full capacity again until late 2025. This fragmented process raises serious questions about how nuclear LTOs are being justified in the context of South Africa’s ongoing energy instability.

The $56-million fallout

Recently, the Western Cape High Court ordered Eskom to pay $56 million to France’s nuclear giant Framatome, which oversaw Koeberg’s steam generator replacement. Eskom had resisted resolving the matter through adjudication, opting instead for litigation, and insisted the payment was a “contractual obligation” rather than a penalty. Regardless of semantics, public funds are once again being used to resolve disputes tied to questionable project governance. The full financial cost of Koeberg’s LTO remains secretive, a recurring theme in nuclear contracting worldwide.

Unfinished safety business

Despite Unit 1’s license extension, critical safety concerns remain unresolved. The NNR imposed 29 safety conditions for continued operation, including issues related to containment integrity, corrosion, and seismic preparedness. Eskom claims it is addressing these, but civil society groups have flagged inconsistencies and a lack of transparency in compliance reporting. Adding to the concern is a broader governance issue: the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has warned that South Africa’s Department of Mineral Resources and Energy, an active promoter of nuclear power, should not serve as the oversight body for the NNR. This conflict of interest undermines regulatory independence and erodes public trust.

An unlined trench at South Africa’s Vaalputs National Radioactive Waste Disposal Facility. Photo credit: National Radioactive Waste
Disposal Institute

Waste transport ⸺ a hidden risk

One of the least discussed but most consequential aspects of Koeberg’s LTO is the increase in radioactive waste shipments to the Vaalputs National Radioactive Waste Disposal Facility in the Northern Cape. Waste is transported 375 miles by road inmetal or concrete containers, following IAEA transport regulations. However, the reality on the ground tells a different story.

The primary route to Vaalputs is the R355, a remote, poorly maintained road that has long been flagged by community members and civil society as a safety hazard. Years of appeals to government departments and portfolio committees have yielded no meaningful upgrades. With Koeberg’s LTO expected to generate waste for another two decades, and a proposed Centralized Interim Storage Facility (CISF) at Vaalputs, the volume and frequency of waste transports will increase significantly.

This raises serious questions about South Africa’s ability to meet international benchmarks, not just in packaging and radiation shielding, but in infrastructure resilience, emergency preparedness, and community protection. The IAEA’s standards emphasize not only container integrity but also route safety, public consultation, and risk mitigation. South Africa’s current transport framework falls short on all three.

A global cautionary tale

Koeberg’s LTO is not an isolated case. Across the U.S., Europe, and Asia, utilities are attempting to extend the lives of aging reactors under similar conditions: deferred maintenance, ballooning costs, and weakened oversight. These efforts are often framed as climate solutions, yet the lived realities — from legal disputes to unresolved safety risks — tell a different story. South Africa’s experience with Koeberg adds to mounting global evidence that nuclear power, particularly operating extensions for aging plants, cannot form the backbone of a just and democratic energy transition.

As South Africa pushes ahead with its nuclear agenda, civil society continues to demand transparency, accountability, and a genuine shift toward community-owned renewable energy, not false solutions cloaked in the language of climate urgency. The road to Vaalputs is more than a transport route; it’s a symbol of systemic neglect, regulatory failure, and the urgent need for a new energy paradigm.

— Lydia Petersen is an environmentalist and anti-nuclear activist from Capetown, South Africa. She is the spokesperson for Koeberg Alert Alliance.

Filed Under: Environment, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter, Radioactive Waste, Uncategorized

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