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July 19, 2013 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Cumbrians Reject Waste Dump

Nukewatch Quarterly Summer 2013

CUMBRIA, England —  On January 30, the Cumbria County Council decided 7-3 against moving forward with a geological survey process that would have further explored the area’s potential for hosting a long-term underground repository for Britain’s waste reactor fuel and other highly radioactive
waste. Over 32,000 people signed a petition to the Council arguing that the dump should not be sited in their scenic Lake District, and organizers are celebrating the vote as a blow to federal plans for new reactors nationwide. Government officials have acknowledged that finding a long-term solution to the problem of radioactive waste is necessary before new nuclear reactors can be built in Britain, and their approach thus far has been to rely on the willingness of local communities to volunteer their areas for consideration. Cumbria, which is home to the Sellafield waste processing facility, was the only locality that stepped forward. Though the prospect of the $18.2 billion storage site comes with the potential benefit of 1,000 new jobs, no other area has so far shown interest. Until a more suitable storage site is found, 75% of the country’s radioactive waste remains in temporary above-ground containers at the Sellafield facility. — The Guardian, Jan. 30; SkyNews, Jan. 30; BBC News, Feb. 1, 2013

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Radioactive Waste

July 19, 2013 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Wind Power Helping Put Nuclear Industry to Rest

Nukewatch Quarterly Summer 2013
By Arianne Peterson

Last year was the best yet for wind power in the United States. According to the American Wind Energy Association (AWEA), 13,000 megawatts of wind energy capacity were installed in 2012, a number that represents a 10-fold increase since 2003 and the largest share (42%) of total new electric production capability nationwide. At 60 gigawatts in cumulative capacity, the country’s 45,000 wind turbines can now power 14.7 million homes, matching the output volume of 14 nuclear reactors. Now more than ever, wind energy poses a tangible threat to the nuclear power industry.

Wind Pushes Nuclear Energy Prices Below Zero 

When turbines are producing at high capacity and demand is low, wind energy can “flood” the market, causing wholesale electricity prices to drop below zero. This means power companies with nuclear facilities in high-wind areas are sometimes forced to pay customers to take their electricity, and they’re not happy about it. Christopher Crane, CEO of Chicago-based Exelon Corp., has voiced several recent complaints about policies that promote wind energy production. In a phone interview for a March Bloomberg article, he asserted that if this trend continues “there is a very high probability that existing safe, reliable nuclear [reactors] will no longer be competitive and will have to be retired early.”

It is true that policy shifts have helped promote wind energy in two important ways: a recently renewed federal tax credit provides wind farms with $22 per megawatt-hour generated, and many states have renewable portfolio standards requiring utilities to purchase certain levels of wind energy. Thus, even when prices are at or below zero, wind energy production can remain profitable, and wind farms keep their turbines running. This puts nuclear and coal-powered systems at a direct disadvantage, because they cannot easily adjust their electricity output to follow a fluctuating market.

Wind Competes on a Fraction of Nuclear’s Subsidies 

Despite the arguments of executives like Crane, the fact is that government subsidies currently benefitting wind energy pale in comparison to those enjoyed for decades by nuclear power companies. In the Summer 2012 Quarterly, Nukewatch reported that “over the period of time renewables have been subsidized, they’ve received about $395 million per year compared to nukes which have been supported for a much longer period and have averaged $3.3 billion per year.” These subsidies come in the form of insurance and loan guarantees, research and development funding, and the costs of regulation — not to mention the assumption of responsibility for the long-term storage of a vast and increasing amount of radioactive waste. The AWEA itself, in a December 2012 letter lobbying for the extension of the wind energy tax credit, recommends that the credit be reduced by 10% every year over the next five years, noting that even a minimally viable wind industry would be able to compete on its own by the end of 2018.

Nuclear Energy Faces Broader Economic Challenges 

The recent pressure from wind is only the latest challenge to a nuclear power industry that is failing to maintain its façade of economic viability. Despite heavy subsidies, 28 nuclear facilities in the US closed between 1963 and 1998 — because they were not cost-competitive — and the future looks bleak for new reactors as well. In a recent piece for the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Amory Lovins asserts that the

This graph shows the results of a simulation that is part of a 2012 study by the University of Delaware comparing historical electric usage with weather patterns in one region of the US. With the right combination of renewable energy installations and storage capacity, the researchers found, back-up fossil fuel energy would only have been needed at five points during the four years studied.

production cost of power from new reactors would range from $110 to $342 per megawatt-hour. When compared with downward-trending renewable energy costs — with wind currently between $25 and $40 per megawatt hour and solar photovoltaic averaging $86 per megawatt-hour — and 2011 wholesale electricity prices averaging $36 per megawatt-hour, new nuclear installations face an obvious economic disadvantage.

The question, then, is: How long will the country’s 102 operating nuclear reactors continue their legacy of environmental contamination, radioactive waste production, and deadly accidents before nuclear power as we know it is phased out? And the answer, in part, depends on the state of the electric grid.

“Baseload” Concept is Obsolete with Renewables 

Nuclear proponents often argue that renewable power sources such as wind and solar are not viable at large scales because their production is intermittent — they only produce when the sun shines or the wind blows. Coal and nuclear power, on the other hand, were selected for their ability to serve as constant “baseload” generators, mostly running at 70-90% capacity and taking an average of one to three days to start up and often longer to shut down. As evidenced by the recent negative pricing phenomenon faced by Exelon and others in the nuclear industry, baseload power sources and “intermittent” renewables have been shown to actually be incompatible when tied to the same grid. Thus, the expansion of renewable energy will inevitably lead to the phasing out of inflexible coal and nuclear power stations.

The US electric grid as we know it developed in a somewhat ad-hoc manner; as population demand grew, new lines and generators were added to existing infrastructure. The grid includes both publicly and privately owned utilities; some are regulated by a variety of agencies with overlapping jurisdictions, while others are barely regulated at all. The generally centralized and minimally technological manner in

The US electric grid developed in a fairly ad-hoc manner as population and demand grew over time. This map shows the 10 major Regional Transmission Operators (RTOs) and Independent System Operators (ISOs) that serve about two-thirds of the consumers in the US and half of those in Canada. The rest of the two countries’ power is provided by smaller regional operators.

which the current grid operates allows for outages that cost the US economy about $150 billion every year, like the August 2003 blackout where one overloaded transmission line in Ohio disrupted power distribution across Ontario, the Northeast and the Midwest. According to Lovins, almost all of the aging US grid will need to be replaced by 2050, at a cost of about $6 trillion. With the right design, Lovins argues, this grid overhaul could allow renewables to almost completely replace coal and nuclear power.

The 2011 study “Reinventing Fire” by Lovins and the Rocky Mountain Institute proposes a creative “Transform” scenario in which at least 80% integration of renewable energy with the grid can be achieved by 2050. In this model, the grid would need to be flexible enough to include “demand response (which unobtrusively shifts loads off-peak, partly via ice-storage air conditioning and smart charging of electric vehicles), electric energy storage (more than one-third of it distributed in vehicles), increased and optimized transmission and interconnection capacity, and better coordination of regional electricity supply and demand …”

Even within the grid infrastructure already in place, existing management strategies and technologies could allow for a much greater integration of renewables. For example, the ISO (Independent System Operator) that serves much of Texas achieved a rate of 24% of its power from wind generation in March 2012 with a modeling tool that utilizes real-time weather conditions to help technicians match supply and demand more easily. According to findings from the National Renewable Energy Laboratory, adopting tools like this nationwide would enable the US to generate over one third of its power from renewables.

Another Energy Future is Possible 

In a grid primarily supplied by solar and wind power, any “back-up” energy sources would need to be able to quickly be turned on and off, a scenario which highly favors natural gas as a fuel source over coal and nuclear. With the right management strategies, however, fossil fuel sources would hardly be needed at all. A 2012 study from the University of Delaware compared historical electricity usage data for the PJM Interconnection region (see map below left) and weather patterns from 1999-2002 with scenarios combining wind and photovoltaic solar energy production with up to 72 hours of hydrogen-based storage capacity. They found that if enough wind and photovoltaic generators and storage capacity had been in place during the four years studied, back-up natural gas generators would only have been needed five times during summer months. As illustrated in the graph (left), the renewable-powered grid could have met 99.9 percent of US electricity needs at a cost estimated to be competitive with current (unsubsidized) electricity prices by 2030.

The shift away from large centralized coal and nuclear power, and toward more flexible, renewable and distributed power sources, is well underway, and the nuclear power industry clearly sees the writing on the wall. Their latest innovation, called a “small modular reactor,” or SMR, is an obvious attempt to retain a foothold within a rapidly changing energy field. SMRs could be produced in a factory and transported on a truck, and they are being designed with the ability to change their power output rapidly. The US Energy Department is currently committed to funding up to half the development cost of two SMR models, and the Tennessee Valley Authority has commissioned two SMRs for its Oak Ridge facility.

Though SMRs represent a potential lifeline for the dying nuclear power industry, their economic viability has yet to be proven. Certainly, only a heavily subsidized prototype reactor could possibly compete with renewable energy sources that operate without fuel costs, major safety concerns, waste issues, or greenhouse gas emissions.

— Whitehouse.gov, Jan. 31; Bloomberg, Mar. 11; Bulletin of Atomic the Scientists, Mar. 1; New York Times, Feb. 21, Apr. 25, 2013; Smart Planet, Mar. 28, Oct. 3, Dec. 12, 2012

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter, Renewable Energy

July 19, 2013 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

“We Are All Rene”

Through the Prism of Nonviolence
Nukewatch Quarterly Summer 2013
By John Heid 

The sun was low in the mid-February sky, its warmth tempered by a cool breeze which sent dust swirling across the unhurried late afternoon streets, just another Sunday in South Tucson.

Raul was biking to Southside Presbyterian Church to make preparations for an immigration reform workshop. One block from the church he noticed three Tucson Police Department squad cars and a man in handcuffs, not an unfamiliar sight in this Latino/Latina neighborhood. Off to the side was a car full of children peering out from the windows and a woman in tears.

Raul stopped, parked his bike and approached the woman. “How can I support you?” he asked. She described how the police had pulled over her family on suspicion of child abduction and subsequently charged her husband with a child car seat violation and driving with a suspended license. After the officers determined that he, Rene Meza Huerta, did not have a valid license they alerted US Border Patrol (BP) for an immigration status determination. The police were awaiting its arrival.

Raul, a seasoned organizer and a green card holder, began texting friends to come and record the unfolding of yet another family separation in South Tucson. He recalls hearing children crying out for their dad behind him as he began to document the scene, writing down squad car license plate numbers and officers’ badge identification. A police sergeant approached. Raul asked him why the Border Patrol had been notified. The officer replied that Arizona law SB1070 requires that “any person who is arrested shall have the person’s immigration status determined before the person is released” if there is “reasonable suspicion of an unlawful presence.” Recognizing the racist chain reaction in motion, Raul queried further as to the basis for reasonable suspicion. The tone of the conversation shifted abruptly. The sergeant became irate and ordered to Raul to move on or risk arrest. Moments later the police put up yellow crime scene tape.

Raul texted more friends, and in those critical initial moments he went to a deeper place within himself. “How can I just document and stand by? I’m tired and fed up just recording these family break-ups.” As a member of Corazón de Tucson, a grassroots migrant justice organization, he’s seen many. “This time, there’s no way I’m going to let this happen without putting my body in the way.” He locked his bike at a safe distance, gave his backpack to the children’s mother, texted media and waited to see if BP would show up. They did. As agents put Rene in the BP “dogcatcher” truck, Raul crawled underneath. Recounting the events for me, Raul sarcastically ridicules the common misconception that Rosa Parks “was tired so she just sat down” on a Montgomery city bus that day in December 1955. He tells me, “I was tired so I just laid down!”

Neither the threats of felony charges, pepper spray, taser guns or even the pleas of friends who arrived on the scene saying “you can do more outside jail” could make him budge. “I need to make visible what happens daily in Tucson and around the country. Right now this is all invisible. If you release this father to his family I will come out,” he said to the police. “It’s your call.” He texted on. From underneath the engine of the truck he began sending photos as police moved in with pepper spray. “I never really feared for my life, but I knew it was going to be rough in more ways than one.” Raul knew that his actions could result in considerable physical discomfort and the loss of legal residence status.

The only moves he made of his own volition that afternoon were soul deep. After a heavy dousing of pepper spray Raul was forcibly extricated from beneath the vehicle, taken into BP custody and detained.

Nearly three months after that calm-turned-chaotic Sunday afternoon, Raul reflected with me from his office at the Southside Worker Center where he is employed as an advocate and organizer. While multiple federal charges against him are pending, Raul reminds me that Rene was deported two days after the incident despite activists’ concerted efforts to reunite the family. It happens every day all across the United States. One and a half million people have been deported in the last six years alone. “A system that criminalizes migration can never be authentically reformed,” Raul notes. “Humane immigration reform is not possible when you have 33,000 people held daily in over 250 detention facilities throughout the country.”

“So, why did you do it, Raul? Really?” I asked one last time. He responds, trying to close our interview, by saying, “We are all Rene.” I pushed him for more. “How so?” “Well, besides being a statement of solidarity, it’s a call-out for an end to injustice. All injustice. All dehumanization. We are reclaiming a humanity not currently recognized. Declaring ‘we are all Rene,’ although at varying levels, we condemn the political system that creates the conditions where the state tears apart families and communities.” He mentions the Mayan belief that, “You are my other me,” and adds the Zapatista mantra: “Detras de nosotros, estamos ustedes — Behind us, we are you.”

He is no Rosa Parks. No, he’s Raul Alcaraz Ochoa. And yet at the end of the day we are all Rene, all one, at varying levels, no exceptions.

Now, what will I do the next time I’m on the way to an organizing meeting and witness this injustice in front of me? What will you do?

— John Heid lives and works at the Casa Mariposa Community in Tucson, Arizona.

 

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Through the Prism of Nonviolence

March 2, 2013 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Authorities Dismiss Coldwater Creek Cancer Cluster

February March 2013 Nukewatch Quarterly

When it comes to understanding the incredible concentration of cancers, birth defects, and other serious ailments related to a Manhattan Project-era radioactive waste dumping ground in north St. Louis County, Facebook has proven a far better resource for current and former residents than the State of Missouri.

A report released by the Missouri Department of Health and Senior Services in March concluded that elevated cancer rates near Flourissant, Missouri, are probably not linked to the radioactive waste dumped in the area from 1947 through the 1970s. Researchers studied the prevalence of 27 types of cancer among those who lived within six zip codes surrounding Coldwater Creek from 1996 to 2004. Though epidemiologists did identify an elevated incidence of some cancers among the population, they attributed those higher rates to socioeconomic factors such as smoking, lack of exercise, poor diet, and diabetes.

Flourissant natives Janell Rodden Wright and Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach, who are part of the Facebook group that connects residents of the Coldwater Creek area affected by illness, called the study “completely uninformative” in a recent piece published in the St. Louis Beacon. They point out that according to the American Community Survey from 2007-2011, over 75% of those who live in one of the zip codes studied moved there after 1990 – when clean-up efforts were already underway. The study did not account for any cases of cancer in those who were diagnosed after they moved outside the area, which Wright and Schanzenbach say is the case with most of their classmates. State cancer registries only record a patient’s address at the time of diagnosis. Also ignored by the Department of Health report were the many cases of cancer among current residents diagnosed after 2004, as well as many non-cancer health issues.

When Wright, Schanzenbach, and their childhood friends swam in Coldwater Creek near their homes in Flourissant, MO, in the 1970s and 1980s, they had no idea they were immersing themselves in water tainted with radioactive waste. In fact, until Wright and her classmates began to investigate the strange prevalence of rare cancers and other diseases among their peer group in 2011, they had no idea the area where they grew up had served as a dumping ground for radioactive waste produced by Mallinckrodt Chemical Works at its downtown St. Louis plant, which purified uranium that the U.S. used to create atomic bombs in the 1940s.

Wright became suspicious when two of her friends were diagnosed with appendix cancer within a few months of each other. Both were told this disease is very rare, afflicting one in a million people. She reached out to others who grew up in the area through Facebook, and the results are astonishing. Among those who had lived within a four square mile area near the creek, over 2,000 cases of cancers, autoimmune disorders, thyroid disease, birth defects (including three cases of conjoined twins), and health issues among children (including seven children of Wright’s classmates who had their thyroid removed before age 10) have been reported. Twenty-two cases of appendix cancer have now been reported.

The group’s google map showing the residence or former residence of those who have died or fallen ill shows an alarming cluster of cases around Coldwater Creek and the St. Louis Airport Site (SLAPS), Hazelwood Interim Storage Site (HISS), Futura Property, and West Lake Landfill where waste was dumped or stored. Once elevated levels of radioactive materials were discovered in Coldwater Creek in 1989, the Army Corps of Engineers was charged with its clean-up, which they report is nearly complete. As Nukewatch reported in the Winter 2012 article “Cold War Era Dumps Heating Up St. Louis,” the West Lake Landfill, where 20 acres of radioactive waste was illegally dumped in 1973, contains over 15 feet of radioactive waste, and its temperature is rising at an alarming rate. The landfill’s neighbors complain of terrible smells and emissions that burn eyes and cause headaches. Current and former residents of the Coldwater Creek area had hoped that a conclusive cancer cluster study would help them qualify for the same “downwinder” status granted to those affected by atomic bomb testing in Arizona, New Mexico, and Utah, which would have given them access to medical assistance.

Three separate groups of affected residents have brought lawsuits against Mallinckrodt Chemical, which is now owned by Covidien Pharmaceuticals, seeking damages comparable to those awarded to the company’s former St. Louis plant workers, who are eligible for coverage of medical expenses plus $150,000. On March 27, a federal judge dismissed seven of the suits’ eight claims. The single remaining claim will require residents to prove their injuries occurred no more than five years before the suits were filed, based on Missouri’s statute of limitations laws. Still, the groups’ lawyers are optimistic that justice will be served. In a statement released after the judge’s dismissal, lead counsel Marc Bern said, “We expect to prevail for these innocent victims and end this terrible nightmare for so many people.”

Though their plight remains unrecognized by the government, those affected by the Coldwater Creek radiation are taking grassroots action to uncover the truth and serve as resources for each other. Their Facebook page, “Coldwater Creek – Just the Facts Please,” is a testament to the power of grassroots organizing: its members share legal and medical resources, coping strategies, action alerts, and an unwavering commitment to helping each other deal with an enormous tragedy that comprises only a very small portion of the U.S. government’s atomic bomb legacy.

Sources: KSDK News, St. Louis, Feb. 1; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Mar. 21, Mar. 29; St. Louis Beacon, Mar. 26

Filed Under: Direct Action, Environment, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Radiation Exposure, Radioactive Waste

December 2, 2012 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Cold War Era Dumps Heating Up St. Louis

Winter 2012 Nukewatch Quarterly

By Bonnie Urfer

Imagine living next to a landfill containing household garbage, industrial chemicals and jet fuel. Then picture an unlined radioactive waste dump next to and on top of the landfill. Finally, consider that the landfill’s temperature is unnaturally rising and that the heat may affect buried radioactive material.

This is the situation at the 200-acre West Lake Landfill (WLL) in Bridgeton, Missouri, northwest of Lambert Airport in St. Louis. The West Lake Co. accepted waste from the Hazelwood area east of the airport in the early 1970s in a typical industry shell-game. Mallinckrodt Chemical Co., Contemporary Metals, the Cotter Corporation, Dow Chemical and other firms were involved in Cold War uranium processing here and dumped their wastes haphazardly.

Neighbors complain of terrible smells and emissions that burn eyes and cause headaches. An investigation has not uncovered the cause of the problem, although authorities report that the dump’s temperature is rising and threatens to disturb the radioactive waste buried there. Phoenix-based Republic Services now operates the landfill and has drilled wells to allow gases and vapors to escape, but the same wellheads show a dramatic increase in temperatures over the past four months. WLL, with its mass of radioactive and toxic waste 15 feet deep, is just two miles from the Missouri River and sits in its broad flood plain.

Residents of Bridgeton have met to determine what can be done about the 20 acres of radioactive refuse dumped illegally in 1973. The Environmental Protection Agency promises public meetings in January to address the situation. The EPA and Republic favor keeping the dump as is, since the contamination is so widespread that any attempt to move it could make the situation worse and cost $400 million.

Other dumps around St. Louis facing lawsuits over cleanup include the Madison Site, just across the Mississippi River in Illinois; the North St. Louis County Site; the St. Louis Downtown Site; the St. Louis Airport Sites and Coldwater Creek.

— KMOV TV, Oct. 29; KTVI News, St. Louis, Nov. 13; St. Louis Post Dispatch, Mar.14, 2012; Washington University, Feb. 18, 2010; Missouri Dept. of Natural Resources, “West Lake Landfill,” Hazardous Waste Program, undated report.

Filed Under: Environment, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure, Radioactive Waste

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