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November 12, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Unavailable, Unusable, Deterrentless: Stranded U.S. H-bomb Unit in Germany Should be First to Go

By John LaForge

For the last three years, the U.S. B61 hydrogen bombs stationed in Germany have been stranded at Büchel Air Force Base, separated from the fighter-jets and pilots that are trained and ready to drop the H-bombs on Russia. The H-bombs have been perfectly unavailable for nuclear attacks, i.e. deterrence.

The nuclear “deterrent” mission that the U.S. claims the transferred nuclear weapons provide to Germany vanished in 2022, when massive remodeling of the Büchel Air Base began. A major runway extension forced the base’s 46 Tornado fighter jets to be moved in the meanwhile to Nörvenich Air Base, 28 miles away. The billions of euros being spent on Büchel’s rebuild (widening of taxiways and airfield intersections; total rebuild of the runway; new cargo apron for a taxiway; and a new F-35 “campus”) is in preparation for the delivery of new U.S. B61-12 thermonuclear bombs, and the 2027 arrival of new F-35 fighter-jets that Germany is buying to carry them.

Anti-nuclear activists placed sunflowers, a symbol of nuclear disarmament, in the fence at Germany’s Büchel air base Thur., July 24, marking the 30th anniversary of protests at the base. Photo by Luthar Lange.

Since the major reconstruction has meant that Germany’s “nuclear deterrent” was absent for years — with the H-bombs locked in underground vaults, and the jets that carry them stationed elsewhere — the deterrentless U.S. Air Force’s 702nd Munitions Support Squadron (or MUNSS) has proven to be needless. It should be the first unit withdrawn from Germany under Trump’s surprise announcement that the number of U.S. military personnel in Germany would be cut.

Declaring he would slash the U.S. military presence in Germany, Trump said May 2, “We are going to cut way down, and we’re cutting a lot further than 5,000.” Liana Fix reported for the Council on Foreign Relations that 5,000 troops were about one-seventh of the roughly 38,000 GIs currently stationed in Germany. The Pentagon promptly claimed that the decision to withdraw 5,000 troops followed a “thorough review of the force posture in Europe.”

The factual, fatuous reason for the draw-down was Trump’s temper tantrum that followed German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s daring public statement that the U.S. was being “humiliated” by Iran. The Guardian reported that Merz said to students in April, “[T]he Iranians are … letting the Americans travel to Islamabad and then leave again without any result. An entire nation is being humiliated by the Iranian leadership….”

The Pentagon says the 702nd MUNSS is needed since it “receives, stores, maintains, controls, and employs war reserve munitions in support of the 33rd Tactical Air Wing’s role in NATO’s strike mission.” Of course, this has proven over the last four years to be mission impossible because of the ongoing construction.

At the Büchel Air Base’s website a “Commander’s Welcome Letter” for new personnel, explains: “The 702nd consists of approximately 170 personnel across 26 different Air Force Specialties, responsible for maintaining, operating, and securing $6B [billion] in Protection Level-1 assets….”

“Protection Level-1 assets” refer to the twenty U.S. B61 gravity-drop hydrogen bombs that are stationed at Büchel. This arsenal is the crux of the so-called “nuclear sharing” arrangement between the United States and Germany (and four other NATO countries). According to a Shaw Air Force Base manual, “Protection Level-1” resources “include nuclear weapons and … systems critical to the success of active nuclear missions….”

For decades, Germany’s Tactical Air Force Wing 33 has been operating about 46 Tornado jet fighters, which can deliver the twenty U.S. H-bombs — the only remaining U.S. nuclear weapons in Germany — which are maintained by the 702nd MUNSS. The Tornado jets are flown by German pilots who train to carry the U.S. bombs, and to detonate them against Russia if a U.S. president so orders.

The old Tornado warplanes are being replaced by Lockheed-Martin’s flashy new F-35A fighter jets, and Germany is paying over ten billion euros, or $11.4 billion, according to Aero.de Dec. 12, 2022. Aero reported June 24, 2025 that the F-35s are “intended to support Germany’s so-called ‘nuclear sharing’ program — a NATO strategy under which allies have access to U.S. nuclear weapons in the event of war.”

The Tornados have recently returned to Büchel, but their 4-year absence shows that the stationing of U.S. nuclear weapons and the 702nd MUNSS in Germany is absolutely unnecessary.

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, US Bombs Out of Germany

November 2, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

30th Anniversary of German Campaign Against U.S. Nuclear Weapons

Anti-nuclear activists placed sunflowers, a symbol of nuclear disarmament, in the fence at Germany’s Büchel air base Thur., July 24, marking the 30th anniversary of protests at the base. Photo by Luthar Lange.

In July, the disarmament group “Nonviolent Action to Abolish Nuclear Weapons,” founded in 1996, celebrated 30 years of protest and resistance at a gathering near NATO’s Büchel Air Base, where U.S. nuclear bombs are stationed. A funny thing happened during the group’s demonstration July 24, after eighteen people decorated the base’s perimeter fence with banners and sunflowers, the global symbol for nuclear disarmament. The moisture in the flowers triggered the fence’s electronic alarm system and eight large police vans from town rushed out to disband the demonstration which had already ended. Among the participants were three U.S. citizens who previously took part in nonviolent “go-in” actions at the base and had subsequently served prison time in Germany for nonpayment of penalties.

Filed Under: Direct Action, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, US Bombs Out of Germany

August 1, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Unavailable, Unethical, Unhinged: U.S. H-bomb Unit in Germany Should be First to Go

Anti-nuclear activists placed sunflowers, a symbol of nuclear disarmament, in the fence at Germany’s Büchel air base Thur., July 24, marking the 30th anniversary of protests at the base. Photo by Luthar Lange.

For the last four years, the U.S. hydrogen bombs stationed in Germany have been stranded at Büchel Air Force Base, southeast of Cologne, unavailable to the fighter jets and pilots that are rehearsed and ready to detonate them against Russia. These WMD have been unusable for nuclear attacks or threats — i.e. ‘deterrence’ — since 2022 because the base is getting a makeover.

The deterrence that the U.S. and Germany say the nuclear weapons provide disappeared in 2022 when massive remodeling of the base began. A total rebuild of its runway and more forced the base’s 46 Tornado fighter jets to be moved to Nörvenich Air Base, 28 miles away, to practice their take-offs, attacks, and landings.

Because the base’s reconstruction has left the ‘nuclear deterrent’ unavailable for years, the unoccupied and redundant U.S. Air Force’s 702d Munitions Support Squadron (or MUNSS) should be the first unit withdrawn from Germany under Trump’s recent orders.

The Department of War says the 702d MUNSS is needed because it ‘receives, stores, maintains, controls, and employs war reserve munitions in support of [Büchel’s] 33rd Tactical Air Wing’s role in NATO’s strike mission.’ This, of course, has been mission impossible for at least four years, a pause that means relief from the self-destructive threat of nuclear strike missions aimed at Russia.

The ‘Commander’s Welcome Letter’ for new arrivals, on Büchel’s website, explains: ‘The 702d consists of approximately 170 personnel across 26 different Air Force Specialties, responsible for maintaining, operating, and securing $6B [billion] in Protection Level-1 assets….’ And according to a Shaw Air Force Base manual, ‘Protection Level 1’ resources ‘include nuclear weapons and … systems critical to the success of active nuclear missions….’

Büchel’s nuclear mission involves twenty U.S. B61 H-bombs — the only remaining nuclear weapons in Germany — which are polished on base by the 702d MUNSS. This arsenal is the crux of a so-called ‘nuclear sharing’ arrangement between the United States and Germany (and four other NATO countries). But neither ‘active nuclear missions’ nor any other kind have flown out of Büchel since 2022, leaving the 702d on holiday.

Declaring he would reduce Germany’s U.S. military presence, Trump said May 2, “We are going to cut way down, and we’re cutting a lot further than 5,000.” Liana Fix reported for the Council on Foreign Relations that 5,000 troops were about one-seventh of the roughly 38,000 GIs currently stationed in Deutschland. Secretary Hegseth promptly had the Pentagon claim that the decision on withdrawals had followed a ‘thorough review of the force posture in Europe.’

The actual fatuous reason for the potential drawdown was a Trump tantrum over German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s derisive public assessment that the U.S. was being ‘humiliated’ by Iran. Merz said to students last April, ‘[T]he Iranians are … letting the Americans travel to Islamabad and then leave again without any result. An entire nation is being humiliated by the Iranian leadership’, The Guardian reported. Trump’s reactionary fit opens a door to the long-sought-after removal of U.S. nuclear weapons from Germany, something that the Parliament/Bundestag — moved by mass public pressure — formally instructed the government to pursue in March 2010.

For decades, Tactical Air Force Wing 33 has reportedly been operating 46 Tornado jet fighters. The Tornados are flown by German pilots who train to carry the U.S. H-bombs and to detonate them against Russia if a U.S. president so orders. While the Tornados returned to Büchel this year, the first F-35s are set to replace them starting in 2027.

Indeed, the two billion Euros being spent on the Büchel rebuild (widening taxiways and airfield intersections; new runway; new cargo apron; and a new so-called fighter jet ‘campus’), is in preparation for the delivery of new U.S. ‘B61-model 12’ thermonuclear bombs, and the arrival of new F-35A fighter-jets to carry them.

The F-35s from Lockheed Martin cost Germany over ten billion euros, or $11.4 billion, according to Aero.de, Dec. 12, 2022. And Aero reported June 24, 2025, that the F-35s are ‘intended to support Germany’s so-called “nuclear sharing” program — a NATO deterrence strategy under which allies have access to U.S. nuclear weapons in the event of war.’

If there is any seriousness to Trump’s erratic outburst about troop withdrawals from Germany, nothing could be more reassuring, more stabilizing, and more de-escalatory than throwing out the 702d MUNSS along with its nuclear suicide mission.

John LaForge is a Co-director of Nukewatch, a peace and environmental justice group in Wisconsin, and edits its newsletter.

Filed Under: Direct Action, Military Spending, Nuclear Weapons, Social Issues, US Bombs Out of Germany, War

May 8, 2026 by Nukewatch 2 Comments

Blind Eyes at the United Nations While the U.S. Bombs for Nonproliferation

 

John LaForge, Counterpunch, May 8, 2026

There is deadly irony in the juxtaposition of Trump’s ‘anti-nuclear war’ on Iran, and the ongoing United Nations Review Conference for the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, or NPT RevCon.

The decision to initiate a war of aggression against Iran killing thousands of civilians was made (among other public pretexts) in order to prevent Iran’s allegedly intended future construction of a nuclear weapon.

The 1970 NPT prohibits the development of nuclear weapons or the transfer of nuclear weapons among or between nations that ratify the treaty. The NPT has slowed the spread of such weapons, while pushing the spread of nuclear reactors. The U.S., Iran, and 187 other UN member states are parties to the NPT.

Iran’s civil nuclear program is lawful under NPT rules, and its representatives are here in New York attending the RevCon which runs until May 22. Still, one after another UN member representative used their ‘general debate’ time to attack Iran for its processing of uranium and Russia for its invasion of Ukraine, but not the United States for its unprovoked, internationally illegal war on Iran.

No friend or military ally of the United States except Israel was consulted or informed about the U.S.’s February 28 Middle East blitzkrieg — with plenty of reason. Trump’s war of distraction would never have been supported much less joined by U.S. allies because: 1) Iran’s nuclear facilities were “totally obliterated” in June 2025 by U.S. Air Force and Navy bombardments; and 2) the International Atomic Energy Agency — the UN body that oversees compliance with the NPT — has reported since 2025 that it has found no evidence of an ongoing Iranian nuclear weapons program.

The catastrophically ill-advised and criminal U.S. war on Iran had to be launched by surprise, without NATO, or UN or U.S. authorization, because the White House’s justifications were so easily debunked, and because the NPT is already working to stop the spread of nuclear arsenals.

During the first days of the NPT RevCon, member states spoke with a shocking and confounding display of double standards, with one after another condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and Iran’s alleged violations of NPT inspection rules, but not one criticizing the U.S. attack on Iran, its January 3rd bombing of Venezuela, or its June 2025 bombardment of Iran’s nuclear facilities. Argentina for example said, “This Review Conference is taking place against a backdrop that we cannot ignore …. the nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran…,” while the Nordic States together singled out Russia, saying its “war of aggression against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law, including the United Nations Charter….” The U.S. war on Iran was evidently aggression non grata.

The nuclear weapons states’ 56-year-long violation of the NPT’s Article VI — requiring good-faith efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons — was often bemoaned, but the U.S., U.K., Russian, Chinese, and French violators were never called out by name. (North Korea, India, Israel, and Pakistan have nuclear weapons but have not joined the NPT.) Likewise, open, ongoing U.S. violations of the Treaty’s Articles I and II — which forbid the U.S. transfer of nuclear weapons to non-nuclear States Parties including Germany, Italy, Holland, and Belgium — were ignored, while the European Union’s delegate said, “The EU condemns in the strongest possible way Russia’s … announced deployment of nuclear weapons in the territory of Belarus.”

Comically, a few ministers openly excused the U.S.’s Article I & II violations — its stationing of B61 thermonuclear gravity bombs at six air bases in Europe — as when the representative of the Nordic States, asserted that “NATO’s nuclear sharing arrangements are fully consistent with the NPT”. The 110-member Non-Aligned States Parties Group politely pushed back and condemned the practice, noting without naming names, “The Group reiterates its deep concern over … practices that run contrary to the principles and objectives of the Treaty such as … nuclear weapons sharing arrangements”.

The most brazenly selective and myopic presentation to date was the “Joint Statement on Russia’s Aggression Against Ukraine” signed by 43 NPT States Parties. The paper said, “Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine is a blatant violation of international law, including the UN Charter….” Every use of the word ‘Russia’ in the text could have been replaced with ‘the U.S.’ and still made perfect sense. The letter endorsed Ukraine’s but not Iran’s “independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity”; Ukraine’s but not Iran’s “inherent right to self-defense” in accordance with the UN Charter “against Russia’s”, but not the United States’ “ongoing illegal war of aggression.” The paper acknowledged the critical danger of attacking nuclear sites and condemned Russia, but not the U.S., both of whom continue to put “nuclear facilities at risk.” The group did manage to generally denounce “indiscriminate attacks that have resulted in civilian deaths and destruction of critical infrastructure….” Yet, the 43 states urged the General Assembly “to condemn Russia’s irresponsible nuclear rhetoric”, but not Trump’s mindless threat to bomb Iran “back to the Stone Ages” or his genocidal outburst that “a whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again.”

For UN member states to ignore U.S. government violations of the UN Charter and the Laws of War is evidence of not just hypocrisy and double standards, but a submissiveness reminiscent of the groveling fear of state terrors of 1930s. More than just Spain’s PM Pedro Sánchez and Pope Leo XIV the have to stand up to the megalomaniacal madman of the hour. ###

John LaForge is a Co-director of Nukewatch, a peace and environmental justice group in Wisconsin, and edits its newsletter. https://www.counterpunch.org/2026/05/08/blind-eyes-at-the-united-nations-while-the-u-s-bombs-for-nonproliferation/

Filed Under: B61 Bombs in Europe, Nuclear Weapons, US Bombs Out of Germany, Weekly Column

April 24, 2026 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

War Crimes – Reposted from PeaceVoice, Original Link Included

By John LaForge, PeaceVoice, 20 April 2026

“It is the plot and the act of aggression which we charge to be crimes.”  – Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson

With Spain and Austria refusing to allow their airspace to be used for the massive, unprovoked U.S. bombardment of Iran, there is international denunciation of this illegal action; and the initiation of the U.S. carpet bombing of Iran is clearly unlawful in view of the UN Charter, the Kellogg Briand Pact, the Geneva Protocol, and the Nuremberg Charter of 1945.

Yet the charge of “illegality” is weak and papery considering the thundering condemnation of any such war of aggression by U.S. Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson in his opening of the Trial of the Major War Criminals in Germany in late 1945, which stands as one of history’s most significant authorizations of international law and order. Unvarnished facts regarding of thousands of U.S. bombing raids against Iran’s cities, and the resulting thousands of casualties and fatalities, show that the aggression is not just illegal but criminal. Jaywalking is illegal. Bombing schoolgirls is criminal.

In Justice Jackson’s Nov. 21, 1945 opening statement he noted, “A basic provision of the Charter is that to plan, prepare, initiate, or wage a war of aggression, or a war in violation of international treaties, agreements, or assurances, or to conspire or participate in a common plan to do so, is a crime.” He reminded the court that for 20 years, “The Geneva Protocol of 1924 for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes … declared that a war of aggression constitutes an international crime.”

Yet Jackson understood the dilemma of the Nuremberg prosecutors, warning that “[T]he ultimate step in avoiding periodic wars, which are inevitable in a system of international lawlessness, is to make statesmen responsible to law.” How else to prevent presidents, chancellors, prime ministers, cabinet secretaries, military commanders, or kings from criminally launching wars than to prosecute the war heads themselves?

So, Justice Jackson explained that the criminalization of wars of aggression must be understood and enforced universally, declaring: “[W]hile this law is first applied against German aggressors, the law includes, and if it is to serve a useful purpose it must condemn, aggression by any other nations including those which sit here now in judgment.”

The criminality of U.S. military actions against Iran, against Venezuela, and against civilian speed boats in international waters may have been foreseen by Secretary Pete Hegseth who today defends troops charged with war crimes as “heroes.” Hegseth has tried for years, according to the Wall St. Journal, to end the military’s use of “stupid rules of engagement” which protect civilians and civilian objects like hospitals, schools, and religious sites. Mr. Trump shares Hegseth’s disdain for the laws of war, having pardoned Navy SEAL Eddie Gallagher who was accused by his own troops of a war crime in Iraq for stabbing to death, in front of the platoon, a wounded 17-year-old prisoner, and then taking a selfie with the corpse. (Gallagher found not guilty of murder in a chaotic court martial, only found guilty of posing with the corpse.)

Later in the course of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, Justice Jackson explained even more emphatically why Trump, Hegseth, the General Staff, and the military’s field commanders ought to end up in the dock for their massacres in Iran: “To initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is not only an international crime; it is the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.”

 

John LaForge, syndicated by PeaceVoice, is Co-director of Nukewatch a nuclear power and weapons watchdog group.

Filed Under: Direct Action, Military Spending, Through the Prism of Nonviolence, War

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