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April 2, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

The Nuclear Posture Review Signals a New Arms Race

We need momentum for reducing nuclear weapons, not for “modernizing” them

Spring Quarterly 2018
By Katrina vanden Heuvel

The Pentagon released its 2018 Nuclear Posture Review February 2nd. Its debut demands more attention, because it announced a renewed round in the nuclear arms race, one inevitably bringing us ever closer to the unthinkable—a nuclear war of catastrophic consequences.

The review clearly seeks to calm fears about President Trump’s finger on the nuclear trigger. Ignoring the many accidents and close calls during the Cold War, the review asserts that the United States has “measures and protocols” to ensure that intercontinental ballistic missiles are “safe, secure and under constant control.” Furthermore, the Pentagon says that “any US decision to employ nuclear weapons would follow a deliberative process.” Despite these assurances, the review’s plans for the nuclear arsenal and nuclear strategy should rouse alarms and spark congressional hearings and public debate.

The United States has an active stockpile of more than 4,000 nuclear weapons, arrayed in the triad of land-based launch sites, nuclear submarines and strategic bombers, including nuclear armed ICBMs, air- and sea-launched cruise missiles, and gravity bombs. More than enough to destroy the world several times over, the arsenal’s “credibility” is not in issue. Yet, the review reaffirms the Obama administration’s commitment to a new generation of missiles, nuclear submarines, strategic bombers and nuclear bombs. It warns of a “rapid deterioration of the threat environment,” making it imperative not to “delay modernization of our nuclear forces if we are to preserve a credible nuclear deterrent.”

The Trump administration goes beyond President Barack Obama’s buildup by enhancing “non-strategic” nuclear forces, that is, lower-yield nuclear bombs, on the order of those that destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The stated rationale is to correct an imaginary Russian misperception that greater capacity in this area could give them the possibility of successfully waging a limited nuclear war. The buildup will give the president—yes, Donald Trump—nuclear weapons that are theoretically more usable in a regional conflict.

The review hastens to reassure us that, in the mad logic of mutually assured destruction, the forward deployment of more usable low-yield nuclear weapons will somehow raise, not lower, the “nuclear threshold.” The reality, though, as Physicians for Social Responsibility have detailed, is that even a “limited” regional exchange of nuclear weapons could leave more than a billion people facing starvation from reduced food stocks. A week-long “regional” war could kill more than died in the course of World War II.

The review reaffirms the United States is ready to use nuclear weapons first in an alarmingly wide range of scenarios. It remains “the policy of the United States to retain some ambiguity regarding the precise circumstances” that might lead to a nuclear response. The United States reserves the right to unleash nuclear weapons first in “extreme circumstances” to defend the “vital interests” not only of the United States but also of its “allies and partners”—a total of some 30 countries. “Extreme circumstances,” the review states explicitly, include “significant non-nuclear attacks,” including conventional attacks on “allied or partner civilian population or infrastructure.” The United States also maintains a “portion of its nuclear forces” on daily alert, with the option of launching those forces “promptly.”

As for arms treaties, the review states that the United States will continue to comply with the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty while refusing to sign it. The review explicitly reserves the right to resume “nuclear explosive testing” if “necessary to ensure the safety and effectiveness of the US nuclear arsenal.” The review admits that arms-control agreements can help “sustain strategic stability,” but concludes “further progress is difficult to envision.” The document ignores the UN Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which obligates the United States and other nuclear power signatories to move toward nuclear disarmament. This comes as growing tensions between Russia and the United States are beginning to unravel agreements that do exist.

In sum, the United States is building a new generation of nuclear weapons and delivery systems, will deploy more usable nuclear weapons in “forward” areas, remains committed to possible “first use” of nuclear weapons even against non-nuclear attacks in defense of 30 countries, retains missiles on active alert ready to launch, is skeptical of the possibility of any progress in arms control, and is hostile to the global movement to make nuclear weapons illegal. All this as tensions with Russia and China rise, relations with North Korea remain literally explosive, and the nuclear deal with Iran stays under constant assault from the president.

Not surprisingly, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists recently adjusted its doomsday clock to two minutes to midnight, the highest level of alarm since 1953, when the Soviet Union exploded its first hydrogen bomb. In their statement, the scientists warned: “Major nuclear actors are on the cusp of a new arms race, one that will be very expensive and will increase the likelihood of accidents and misperceptions. Across the globe, nuclear weapons are poised to become more rather than less usable because of nations’ investments in their nuclear arsenals.”

Despite numerous close calls and false alarms, the world has avoided a nuclear war since the start of the Cold War. The Nuclear Posture Review suggests that nuclear weapons make violence less likely.

In reality, the world will either find a way to get rid of nuclear weapons completely or they will eventually be used, either intentionally or by mistake. This reality deserves greater attention in the media and Congress. We need to revive momentum for reducing nuclear weapons, not for “modernizing” them. As Beatrice Fihn, who accepted the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons in 2017, stated in response to the review, “There are only two possible endings to this story: either the end of nuclear weapons or the end of us all.”

—Editor and publisher of the Nation magazine, vanden Heuvel writes a weekly column for The Washington Post which ran this piece Feb. 13.

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, War

April 2, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Military Budget Still Unaudited, Unaccountable for Lost Trillions

By John LaForge
Spring Quarterly 2018
Air conditioners cool tents on a US military base in Iraq where temp’s can reach 125°F. Photo: Steven Anderson

The current fiscal year’s military budget is $786 billion, if one includes the Dept. of Defense ($586 billion) and the military portion from other departments ($182 billion). This is over $2.1 billion every day or $87 million/per hour.

Of the federal government’s discretionary spending, 55 percent goes to the military, according to Steve Lopex in the Los Angeles Times, June 6, 2015.

Unlike federal human service and education programs that are defunded or cancelled at the first hint of fraud or mismanagement, military contractors have bilked the treasury out of hundreds of billions of tax dollars for decades and yet have barely suffered any consequences. The ballistic missile defense program is an example of decades of failure that nevertheless continues to be funded, even after spending over $200 billion trying to hit incoming warheads moving faster than four miles-per-second. Failed tests in public schools bring demands for closings, but failed anti-missile tests are declared reasons for more billions.

“The Pentagon in 2008 spent more money every five seconds in Iraq than the average [US worker] earned in a year,” according to John Whitehead in CounterPunch Feb. 16. Whitehead, president of the Rutherford Institute, found the figures in a Nov. 12, 2010 report in BusinessInsider online by Robert Johnson and Ujala Sehgal. The report also noted that while the US makes up only 5 percent of the world’s population, it accounts for “almost 50 percent of the world’s total military expenditure—more on the military than the next 19 biggest spending nations combined.”

In 2007, Walter Pincus reported that “$15 billion a month (roughly $20 million an hour) is what the United States spends on foreign wars.” (Washington Post, Dec. 27, 2007) With the US now waging war in several more countries than they were 11 years ago, $15 billion per month is likely a low estimate.

US shooting wars in hot areas cost small fortunes every day. “While many [US workers] can barely afford the cost of heating and cooling their own homes, the US government spends $20 billion annually just to provide air conditioning for military installations in Iraq and Afghanistan,” NPR’s All Things Considered reported June 25, 2011.

The extravagance has been partly detailed by the Project on Government Oversight. As analyzed by Whitehead, the Pentagon paid: $71 for a metal pin that should cost just 4 cents; $644.75 for a gear smaller than a dime that sells for $12.51: more than a 5,100 percent increase in price; $1,678.61 for another tiny part, also smaller than a dime, that could have been bought within the Department of Defense (DoD) for $7.71: a 21,000 percent increase; $71.01 for a straight, thin metal pin that the DoD had on hand, unused by the tens of thousands, for 4 cents: an increase of over 177,000 percent.

A 2011 study by the Government Accountability Office found that $70 billion worth of cost overruns by the Pentagon were caused by management failures. Even the reserved editors at the New York Times asked, “What Would You Do With an Extra $70 Billion?”

“Chaos and Uncertainty,” a study done in 2013 by Todd Harrison for the Center for Strategic & Budgetary Assessments, found it cost an average of $2.1 million per year for every US soldier serving in Afghanistan. Management of the war system is also badly compromised, according to the Washington Post which reported Dec. 5, 2016: “The Pentagon buried an internal study that exposed $125 billion in administrative waste in its business operations amid fears Congress would … slash the defense budget.”

Reuters correspondent Scot J. Paltrow, disclosed that between 1996 and 2013, a colossal $8.5 trillion (with a “t”) had gone unaccounted-for in the Pentagon expenditures. Paltro’s article was titled, “Faking It: Behind the Pentagon’s Doctored Ledgers, A Running Tally of Epic Waste.”

It appears over charging and fraud by military contractors has only worsened since Sept. 10, 2001, when then Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld announced at a news conference, “According to some estimates, we cannot track $2.3 trillion in transactions.” Rumsfeld warned that the accounting disaster was “monumental,” and “terrifying,” adding that it would take “a period of years to sort it all out.” The next day’s World Trade Center news (9/11) buried this scandal permanently.

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, War

April 2, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Trump’s Budget Increases Nuclear Arms Work

Spring Quarterly 2018

In keeping with the Trump Administration’s recent controversial Nuclear Posture Review, the new Fiscal Year 2019 federal budget, issued by the White House Feb. 12, dramatically ramps up nuclear weapons research and production.  The National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA), the Department of Energy’s semiautonomous nuclear weapons agency, is receiving a $2.2 billion overall boost to $15.1 billion—17% more than FY 2018. Of the total, a full $11 billion is for the budget category “Weapons Activities” [i.e. nuclear weapons], a full 18% above FY 2018. Digging deeper under Weapons Activities, “Directed Stockpile Work” is increased 41% from $3.3 billion to $4.7 billion. DSW is the hands-on, nuts and bolts operations that include extending the operational service of current nuclear weapons for up to 60 years, while also retrofitting them with new military capabilities.— Nuclear Watch New Mexico

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, War

April 2, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Court Sympathizes with Arms Bazaar Resisters

Nuclear Shorts

Spring Quarterly 2018

In spite of nine guilty verdicts at Stratford Magistrates Court in Scotland, there was commendation from judges for protesters who blocked entrances to London’s ExCel Centre last Sept. 6, disrupting the delivery of military gear to the world’s largest arms bazaar, the Defense and Security Equipment International “Arms Fair.” Protesters were charged with obstructing the highway during “No To Nuclear Day” which turned a spotlight on the participation of nuclear weapons builders BAE Systems, Rolls Royce, Babcock International, Thales, and Lockheed Martin. Coordinated by the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, protesters blocked both entrances to the ExCel site causing considerable disruption to Fair preparations. Nine protesters were fined less than £200, and the district judge commended them for their passion and for acting out of concern for the public interest.

Angie Zelter, one of the defendants, said, “both judges have shown sympathy …. Perhaps they too recognize that the real criminals are those who make a squalid profit out of conflict and preparations for nuclear war. I feel our protest and today’s court appearance have been very effective is raising public awareness and concern about the blatant trade in the tools of death. We must never fall into the trap of thinking that peaceful direct action is a waste of time.”

—Trident Ploughshares, Jan. 12, 2018

Filed Under: Direct Action, Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter

February 23, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Threats of Mass Destruction Are All ‘Mentally Deranged’

The US maintains a fleet of heavy long-range B-52 bombers like this one that carry nuclear-armed Cruise missiles and B61 nuclear gravity bombs, among many others, and which regularly fly “exercises” near North Korea.

After Trump’s Sept. 23 bombast at the United Nations where he claimed the US might “have no choice but to totally destroy North Korea,” the propagandists in Pyongyang responded quickly, calling him a “mentally deranged dotard.” During Trump’s 2017 visit to South Korea, an editorial in the Minju Joson, a state-run newspaper published in Pyongyang, said the president’s speech to the South’s parliament was a “load of rubbish spouted by the old lunatic Trump” and “was all nonsense.”

“Far from making remarks of any persuasive power that can be viewed to be helpful to defusing tension, he made unprecedented rude nonsense one has never heard from any of his predecessors,” the North’s President Kim Jong-un said after Trump’s UN bomb threat.

Of course the imbecility of Trump’s speech is almost always rude nonsense, but his White House predecessors have been nearly as bloodthirsty in their overt threats against North Korea. While Trump certainly speaks like a mentally deranged dotard, his threat to totally destroy a country of 25 million people is only as deranged as those made by earlier presidents.

On July 12, 1993, Bill Clinton was in South Korea and warned that if the North developed and used an atomic weapon, the United States would “overwhelmingly retaliate,” and he adding chillingly, “It would mean the end of their country as they know it.”

George Bush continued the routine, hatefully naming North Korea part of an “axis of evil” during his 2002 State of the Union speech. Bush’s choice of the word “axis” usefully conjured images of Hitler Fascism, against which any atrocity can of course be excused.

Likewise, Barack Obama calmly threatened the North during his April 2014 visit to Seoul, saying, “We will not hesitate to use our military might to defend our allies and our way of life.” Calling the North “a pariah state that would rather starve its people than feed their hopes and dreams,” Obama hearkened back to the country’s terrible 1996-1998 famine — “one of the great famines of the 20th Century” according to UN aid agencies. Obama conveniently neglected to recall much less apologise for any US responsibility in failing to provide adequate emergency food aid to the starving.

Nowadays, Trump gets rightfully condemned for making threats of mass destruction against the tiny, underdeveloped North, especially as he sits at the head of the grandest military empire in the history of the world, with 12 ballistic missile submarines, 19 aircraft carrier battle groups, 450 land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, almost 800 military bases in 70 countries and territories abroad, and shooting wars underway in seven different countries.

Yet jittery trepidation regarding phantom threats by North Korea is routinely, almost universally voiced — even if it’s just as routinely debunked. In 1996, the editors at the New York Times warned, “North Korea could threaten parts of Hawaii and Alaska” in less 10 years. (“Star Wars, the Sequel” May 14) Now 22 years on, the North still can’t do it. In 2000, the same editors said US intelligence agencies “predict that North Korea could have the capacity to launch a handful of nuclear-tipped long-range missiles within five years.” (“Prelude to a Missile Defense,” Dec. 19) Eighteen years later, it still can’t.

Fearmongering about North Korea always lacks any evidence that its ruling regime is suicidal, because there is no such evidence. Never explained by our military-industrial-Congressional weapons merchants, newspaper and TV pundits, or think tank analysts is why the North would precipitate its inevitable self-destruction by attacking the United States or its allies, because it never would.

A few reporters have managed to fit this acknowledgment into their stories, and for this they need to be recognized. Jessica Durando, writing in USA Today Nov. 21, 2017, said North Korea’s leader appears “determined to keep his nuclear arsenal to deter a U.S. attempt to overthrow him.”

And journalist Loretta Napoleoni, author of the brand new “North Korea: The Country We Love to Hate” (2018, University of Western Australia Press), spoke to the London Express Feb. 20, saying about the North’s arsenal of 10 to 12 unusable nuclear bombs: “I don’t think they have any intention to use it. It is a deterrent,” Napoleoni said, “and very much what they wanted to achieve in order to make sure that nobody would attack them ever again.”

In view of the just-announced joint US/South Korean military invasion rehearsals known as “exercises” now set for April, North Korea is the place for legitimate trepidation.

— John LaForge 

 

Filed Under: Military Spending, Nuclear Weapons, Weekly Column Tagged With: deterrence, North Korea, nuclear threats, nuclear weapons, Pentagon, war, weapon

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