Nukewatch

Working for a nuclear-free future since 1979

  • Issues
    • Direct Action
    • Environmental Justice
    • Nuclear Power
      • Chernobyl
      • Fukushima
    • Nuclear Weapons
    • On The Bright Side
    • Radiation Exposure
    • Radioactive Waste
    • Renewable Energy
    • Uranium Mining
    • US Bombs Out of Germany
  • Quarterly Newsletter
    • Quarterly Newsletter
    • Newsletter Archives
  • Resources
    • Nuclear Heartland Book
    • Fact Sheets
    • Reports, Studies & Publications
      • The New Nuclear Weapons: $1.74 Trillion for H-bomb Profiteers and Fake Cleanups
      • Nuclear Power: Dead In the Water It Poisoned
      • Thorium Fuel’s Advantages as Mythical as Thor
      • Greenpeace on Fukushima 2016
      • Drinking Water at Risk: Toxic Military Wastes Haunt Lake Superior
    • Nukewatch in the News
    • Links
    • Videos
  • About
    • About Nukewatch
    • Contact Us
  • Get Involved
    • Action Alerts!
    • Calendar
  • Donate

October 20, 2021 by Nukewatch 2 Comments

What Caused My Cancer? Radioactive Fallout in Baby Teeth May Provide Clues

Nukewatch Quarterly Fall 2021
By Joseph Mangano

Carolyn Schulte remembers the events of early 1972. She was 12 and finishing the sixth grade in a St. Louis suburb. Her dad was a dentist, as were her grandfather and great-uncle. Her mom stayed home to manage the house and raise her and her brother John, then age 10.

John began to develop headaches that spring. At first, nobody was especially concerned. John was a healthy, friendly boy who liked a good laugh, enjoyed drawing and watching wrestling on TV, and loved chocolate milk, cheeseburgers, and French fries.

As the year progressed, the pleasures and outward normality of childhood were taken from John in a dizzying, downward spiral of symptoms, hospital stays, missed diagnoses, overwhelming health bills … and finally death from brain cancer, just days after his eleventh birthday.

“Everyone was devastated,” Carolyn said. “But right away, we all thought, ‘What caused this?’ Nobody had the first idea of what brought the cancer on.”

For Carolyn and many others living in the St. Louis area whose family members had cancer in the 1970s and in subsequent decades, it wasn’t until recently that they learned of a possible cause of those deadly illnesses. An article published last March in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported on the revival of a famous study that measured radioactive fallout from above ground atom bomb tests and its absorption in humans.

Undertaken jointly in the 1950s and ’60s by the Committee for Nuclear Information (CNI) and Washington University in St. Louis, the study used donated baby teeth to gauge the presence of radioactive isotopes — specifically the cancer-causing isotope strontium 90, or Sr-90 — in children.

The scientist on the team with the highest profile was Barry Commoner, a cellular biologist at Washington University and a member of the CNI board. Commoner was instrumental in developing the project and raising the funds to sustain it. He became familiar to national audiences in the 1970s via his prescient articles in The New Yorker on the fragility of the environment, and in 1980 he ran for president as the candidate of the Citizens Party.

Baby teeth are well regarded as research tools for their ease of collection and documentation. They fall out, people keep them, they are easy to collect from the general population, and they are easily dated. It’s relatively simple for researchers to establish the location of the birth mother during pregnancy and during the first year of the child’s life, two important data points. Baby teeth also make it easier for scientists working on controversial public health matters to conduct their research out in the open and to be less vulnerable to government censorship.

Carolyn inquired if John’s or her teeth were in the study. Sure enough, long before John was sick, his parents had donated one of his teeth to be included in the project.

During the late 1950s, the most alarming feature of growing Cold War tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union was a fierce competition to test and build as many atomic bombs as possible. The threat of nuclear war was very real, and leaders on both sides pushed hard to develop the largest stockpile of the most advanced nuclear weapons.

The United States would eventually conduct 206 above-ground bomb tests in the South Pacific and Nevada, generating fallout in the form of over 100 cancer-causing isotopes, most of which are not found otherwise in nature. Fallout drifted in the atmosphere across the continental United States, returned to earth through precipitation, and entered [the bodies of targeted Pacific Islanders, Southwest US Indigenous peoples and millions of others]through the food chain.

Some of the bombs that were tested had a power equivalent to more than 1,000 times the force of the Hiroshima bomb. Along with fears of possible nuclear war, many were concerned with the actual buildup of fallout in the population — especially in children who are most vulnerable to its toxic effects. Government officials secretly collected bones and tissues from deceased Americans and found large increases in Sr-90 that corresponded with the timing of the tests. These findings were never publicly released, and the testing continued.

Virtually all military leaders and many political leaders of the day had no intention of stopping bomb tests. Grassroots opposition represented the only chance to force a shift in government policy to protect public health. Scientists and citizens worked together in the St. Louis study, in which at least 320,000 baby teeth were collected and measured for Sr-90. The dramatic results showed children born in 1963 had 50 times more Sr-90 than those born in 1951, when large-scale testing began.

These conclusions were published in peer-reviewed medical journals and landed eventually on President John F. Kennedy’s desk. Kennedy referenced fallout buildup in children in a July 1963 speech (“with cancer in their bones, with leukemia in their blood, with poison in their lungs”). After hearing expert testimony on the buildup of carcinogens from fallout detected in the population, the Senate ratified a ban on all above ground tests. Kennedy signed the treaty — as did leaders from the Soviet Union and United Kingdom — in October 1963. Although the test ban was billed as an anti-nuclear war treaty, in truth it was as much an environmental health measure, which had been influenced, at least in part, by the baby teeth research project. (Underground testing continued in the United States through 1992.)

But it was not until 1999, following the end of the Cold War and the collapse of Soviet Union, that the National Cancer Institute (NCI), a federal agency, estimated that between 11,000 and 212,000 Americans developed thyroid cancer from fallout from [just the radioactive iodine-131 in] the tests. This disclosure was accompanied by a second NCI study, released three years later, which estimated 11,000 had died of cancer caused by exposure to the [iodine-131 in] fallout. [Scores of other radioactive isotopes in the fallout were not studied by the NCI.]

Although both estimates are considered conservative, in light of the approximately 200 million Americans who were exposed to bomb fallout, these disclosures represented the first time the US government had officially acknowledged the probable health impacts of the test program on US citizens.

The studies had actually been completed five years previously and had remained under seal. Robert Alvarez, a regular contributor to The Washington Spectator on nuclear and environmental matters, was working in the Department of Energy during the Clinton years and persuaded Energy Secretary Hazel O’Leary to release the findings.

The St. Louis Baby Tooth Survey, which also showed a 50 percent decline in measurable Sr-90 in the four years after the test ban, ended in late 1970. In 2001, Washington University staff made a surprise discovery of tens of thousands of baby teeth held over from the study and stored in a remote ammunition bunker outside St. Louis.

The University donated the teeth to the Radiation and Public Health Project (RPHP), a New Jersey-based research and education group. RPHP was engaged in its own tooth study, the measurement of Sr-90 levels in children living both close to and far from domestic nuclear reactors. With the trove of baby teeth from the St. Louis study, RPHP was determined to examine the critical question the original study hadn’t pursued: What was the impact of bomb fallout on public health and cancer risk?

In 2011, RPHP published its first article on a study of in-body health hazards using baby teeth in the International Journal of Health Services. The study showed that a sample of teeth from St. Louis residents who died of cancer by age 50 had more than double the Sr-90 concentration of persons who were healthy at age 50.

In 2017, RPHP began a partnership with Marc Weisskopf, a Harvard University School of Public Health professor who had a long history of using teeth in research. Harvard secured a grant from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) to use a sample of teeth to study early-life exposure to neurotoxic metals (hazardous substances such as industrial solvents and heavy metals including arsenic, lead, and mercury) and disease risk later in life.

The NIH grant supported the entry of information on the baby teeth and their donors into a digitized, searchable database. The file contains just fewer than 100,000 teeth from 37,000 donors. All are born between 1946 and 1965, and they include people born in all 50 states and 45 foreign countries.

Following the Post-Dispatch article in March, hundreds of people from the St. Louis area contacted RPHP to inquire if their teeth were included in the collection. About 40 percent of the requests showed at least one donated tooth, and some as many as 14.

RPHP’s next step will be to expand on its 2011 study. About 6,000 of the 37,000 tooth donors are now deceased, and about 1,800 of these are estimated to have been cancer deaths. The identity and cause of death of each of the deceased will be cross-referenced with the National Death Index, a death records compiled from state vital statistics offices. RPHP will then be able to test for Sr-90 levels in the teeth of a cohort of known cancer victims who were children at the time of the above ground atomic bomb test program.

On a related front, RPHP held a press conference in March 2021 to announce a new report showing a widening gap between cancer death rates in Monroe County, Michigan, and the rest of the United States — especially in children. Monroe County is located just south of Detroit and is the site of the Fermi 2 nuclear reactor, which began operating in the mid-1980s.

RPHP contends Fermi 2 may have played a role in these unusual trends. Government has essentially ignored the issue of the documented prevalence of cancer among populations living near nuclear reactors. Only one federal study has been performed in the 64 years since the first reactor became operational.

RPHP also announced it was asking for donations of baby teeth from Monroe County children in order to test for Sr-90. The group will compare results with Sr-90 levels from a sample of teeth in the Detroit area from the earlier Baby Tooth Survey study — the first-ever comparison of early-life exposures to atomic bomb fallout and nuclear reactor emissions.

Newport Beach, Michigan, is less than five miles from the Fermi reactor. The people who live there know about Fermi 1, which operated briefly in the 1960s and had a near-meltdown in 1966. They also know that for the last 36 years, Fermi 2 has been operating around the clock. There has been no meltdown, but there have been daily “permitted” releases of radioactive waste products [in gases and liquids] — including Sr-90 — which enter the air and water and the local food supply.

There were childhood cancers in Newport Beach in the 1970s, but at the time no one saw Fermi reactors as a potential explanation for the tragedies. They were simply unusual events, with no known cause.

But things changed drastically in recent years, as unusual numbers of people in the Newport Beach community, frequently in their forties and fifties, have been diagnosed with cancer. Experts have offered no explanation of why so many people living near the Fermi plants have been diagnosed with cancer so early in life. This year, after hearing about the RPHP report and the program to collect baby teeth, many Newport Beach residents recognized that the Sr-90 released from reactors like Fermi is the same Sr-90 found in those ominous mushroom clouds generated by bomb tests so many years ago.

For now, like Carolyn Schulte in St. Louis, the folks in Newport Beach await results — hoping for at least one conclusive factor in the search for a cause of the cancer that has ravaged their families.

— Joseph Mangano is executive director of the Radiation and Public Health Project, and wrote this article for the Washington Spectator.

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure

October 20, 2021 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

The National Radioactive Waste Coalition

Nukewatch Quarterly Fall 2021

Your group is invited to join a newly formed national organization. The National Radioactive Waste Coalition (NRWC) which was officially launched in November 2020 now has forty-one organizations from across the country. Among the members are the Nuclear Information & Resource Service, Manhattan Project for a Nuclear-Free World, Citizens Awareness Network, Multicultural Alliance for a Safe Environment, and Nukewatch. See our new website at radioactivewastecoalition.org. (If it isn’t running yet, check back in a few days.)

This new coalition is working to build solidarity and unity across the country among various groups working on nuclear waste issues and others that support this work. The coalition will continue to expand current actions regarding legal, legislative, and regulatory issues while also bringing new people and groups into the movement — especially front-line communities, Indigenous Peoples, younger people, and people of color.

Goals

The main focus of the coalition is to mount a strategic campaign with a multi-pronged approach to involve and mobilize organizations and individuals to achieve the following goals:

  • Halt permanently the Yucca Mountain repository;
  • Stop all consolidated interim storage;
  • Keep high-level radioactive waste as close to its current sites as possible and “harden” the storage so it is as safe as it can be;
  • Reduce the inherent dangers with storage of high-level radioactive waste at decommissioned nuclear reactors and other nuclear sites.
Principles

The National Radioactive Waste Coalition is committed to stopping the production and the reprocessing of radioactive waste. The isolation of radioactive waste is critical for protecting all living things, from the tiniest organisms in the soil and water to all the humans living on our planet. We are committed to working to ensure this isolation is accomplished. We are committed to preventing the unnecessary movement of radioactive waste.

Our goal is to build solidarity through strong collaboration and honoring the needs of local communities.

Our work is grounded in respect for all people, and we reject oppressive decisions, actions, or the creation of sacrifice zones. We commit to ending environmental racism. We will engage many diverse people in both the work of the campaign and the process to find effective approaches to isolate radioactive waste.

We will work together to hold the nuclear industry, government officials, and offices accountable for their actions, for enforcing our laws and treaties – and for keeping us all as safe as possible. We are committed to non-violence as a movement and the equitable distribution of resources to do our work together.

Help increase the strength of the coalition by becoming a working member.

Filed Under: Direct Action, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter

October 20, 2021 by Nukewatch 1 Comment

NRC Conducting “Open Investigation” into Allegedly Counterfeit, Substandard US Reactor Parts, & Impossibility of Evacuating Seabrook

Nukewatch Quarterly Fall 2021
By John LaForge
Nukewatch Exclusive 

Federal investigators have confirmed that they are probing allegations that counterfeit, substandard parts are currently being used in scores of nuclear reactors across the United States, and, further, that emergency responders in New Hampshire’s National Guard and the Massachusetts State Police have been gagged by orders not to reveal that it is impossible to conduct a safe evacuation of the Seabrook reactor during an emergency.

In a January 15, 2021 email to We the People — a whistle-blower protection group in Rowley, Mass. — Malion Bartley, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s Office of Inspector General’s (OIG) Deputy Assistant Inspector General for Investigations, wrote that his office “has an open investigation and is reviewing the concerns you provided and your supporting documents.” Bartley’s email, made public only recently, follows a December 14, 2020 letter in which Bartley confirmed, “The Office of the Inspector General, US Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), is reviewing your allegation regarding counterfeit and substitute parts in nuclear plants around the United States.”

For over 35 years, We the People has demanded an investigation into the whistle-blower declarations that reactor manufacturers have installed counterfeit, substandard parts in reactors across the country. The allegations are based on tape recorded conversations with several nuclear industry and NRC whistle-blowers. Mr. Bartley’s December 14 letter insists that We the People provide the OIG with personal contact information for the whistle-blowers who are being protected by We the People. The industry insiders have divulged to the group’s director, Stephen Comley, the sorts and locations of the fake parts that he says currently endanger the operations of the entire fleet of nuclear reactors in the United States.

Comley replied to the Inspector General’s office that because protection of the nuclear whistle-blowers is paramount, he needs guarantees from the NRC and OIG that no retaliation will be taken against them. We the People has refused to reveal any whistleblower’s identity to the OIG unless the courageous informants give their permission.

The OIG’s Senior Special Agent William Johnson then wrote an email to We the People on December 17, 2020, complaining that his office was “disappointed that you are choosing not to provide said requested information unless certain conditions you insist upon are met by our office.”

The Christian Science Monitor reported in 1994 that the NRC had regularly retaliated against agency whistle-blowers who warned of unsafe operations. (“Whistle-Blowers on Safety Risks Betrayed by Nuclear Agency,” July 29, 1994) “NRC officials were turning over whistle-blowers’ identities to one of the nation’s largest utilities, the Tennessee Valley Authority” in violation of federal policy, the Monitor reported. The article noted that whistle-blowers “are a major source of vital information about safety risks at nuclear power stations” and that “the NRC is frequently charged by safety advocates with being too cozy with the multibillion-dollar nuclear industry.”

On August 26, 2021, special agent Johnson again wrote in an email to Comley that OIG’s “Report will be completed by the end of September 2021.” On Sept. 13, 2021, Johnson emailed, “Please forward to the OIG the contact information for these additional state troopers that you say you spoke with. … They are in law enforcement, and the NRC OIG is a law enforcement agency. We can be trusted.” After sharing his agency contact information, Johnson wrote, “I look forward to talking to these other state troopers who will confirm your allegation that no safe evacuation of Seabrook Station would be possible in an emergency.” The use of bogus equipment inside operating reactors, and a failed evacuation during a reactor accident, raise both the chances and the consequences of a disaster at reactors across the country and particularly at Seabrook, located on the New Hampshire seacoast 40 miles north of Boston.

We the People is waiting to hear whether its precautionary guarantees — ensuring the anonymity and personal security of its whistle-blowers — will be granted by the OIG. ###

Filed Under: Counterfeit Reactor Parts, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter

October 20, 2021 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Nukewatch Joins Water Protectors to Honor Treaties, Resist Pipelines

Nukewatch Quarterly Fall 2021
By Kelly Lundeen

In 1854 and 1855, treaties were signed between the Anishinaabe and the United States governing lands where today the Enbridge Inc. tar sands Line 3 pipeline is under construction. Article 11 of the 1854 Treaty says the Indigenous peoples “in the territory hereby ceded, shall have the right to hunt and fish.” 

“My grandfather signed the 1854 Treaty,” says Anishinaabe Water Protector Sherry Couture of the Fond du Lac Band of Lake Superior Chippewa. Carrying on the work of her family, she resists Line 3 as a way to honor the treaties. President Biden could do the same by cancelling Line 3 with the stroke of a pen. The US government is in clear violation of the treaties. Enbridge, a Canadian company, has a record of 1,068 spills spewing 7.4 million gallons of oil, and 28 more spills during construction of Line 3 that spilled 13,000 gallons of drilling fluid.

This August, Nukewatch’s Kelly Lundeen and her family spent four days walking in the Treaty People Walk for Water in Minnesota.

Since the line expansion was proposed seven years ago, there has been sustained opposition. In August, a novel lawsuit arguing for the rights of manoomin, or wild rice, was filed by the White Earth Band of Ojibwe, several tribal members and lead plaintiff, manoomin itself, against the State of Minnesota in the Tribal Court of the White Earth Band of Ojibwe. A case for the rights of nature is a new legal strategy, but not implausible considering it has already faced down its first challenge from the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources. At least six tribal nations and other countries like Ecuador, Bolivia, and Uganda already have the rights of nature guaranteed in their constitutions or statutes.

In addition to litigation, nonviolent direct action has led to the arrest of over 800 water protectors. In June, Nukewatch organized a local gathering to greet the Wisconsin caravan that participated in the Treaty People Gathering, a massive, nationwide mobilization. In August I joined a walk with my three children, a double stroller, bikes, and roller blades for a 30-mile portion of the 256-mile long Treaty People Walk for Water. On the walk we met Couture, and many other Water Protectors walking up to 20 miles a day through summer heat and wind. 

What started in northern Minnesota with a few dozen walkers, swelled to a flood of 2,000 people at the state capitol on August 25.

The resistance will continue. Couture told Nukewatch that she’d been to all the hearings, including her own tribal government’s, and lived 70 percent of the last four years in camps resisting the pipelines. “I’ve been arrested 15 times,” she said. She and others are beginning a new walk against Enbridge’s Line 5 in northern Wisconsin. Water protectors say reasons for walking are still here: for the Water and to honor the treaties.

For more info., find Treaty People Walk Line 3 on Facebook, or stopline3.org.

Filed Under: Direct Action, Environment, Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter

October 20, 2021 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Disarmament Activists Confront US Nukes in Germany During Flooding: “Stop the Nuclear Catastrophe Before it Starts”

Nukewatch Quarterly Fall 2021
By Brian Terrell

On July 21, I was walking in the forests surrounding the German Air Force Base at Büchel in the Eifel region with three Catholic Worker friends, Susan van der Hijden of Amsterdam, Netherlands, Susan Crane of Redwood City, California, and Christiane Danowski of Dortmund, Germany. We were there at the end of an “International Week” of protests against the approximately 20 US nuclear gravity bombs known as B61s kept at the base in a “nuclear sharing” agreement with the United States.

In previous days we had visited the entrance gates to the base with our signs and banners and two days before we participated in a “Digging for Life” action outside the fence, near the other end of the runway, where the German pilots lift off and land their Italian-made PA200 Tornado jet fighters, daily training to drop US nuclear bombs on Russia when the order is given. This day we hiked to the other, less accessible, end of the runway, through a forest of dead and dying trees decimated by recent years of drought, unprecedented heat and a massive bark beetle infestation affected by climate change.

In the clearing near where the runway begins, we noticed a couple of “spotters,” hobbyists who got there before us looking to get dramatic photos of the jets taking off. In their company, while we were scouting and imagining potential future protests at the site, we also knew that some action was imminent.

Beyond the fence that marked the boundary of the base from the forest, there was a high berm of earth that shielded from our view the nearby Tornados warming up their engines for takeoff. We could not see, but we heard the purr of their engines turn to a roar and we felt the earth shake and we saw and then smelled a wall, a miasma, of acrid, black, stinking burnt and unburned jet fuel rising above the berm and over our heads, before the jets screamed off away from us to rehearse for the end of everything.

Outside the fence at the Büchel Air Force Base July 19, 2021, protesters including US citizens Susan Crane and Dennis DuVall, at center, joined a symbolic “Digging for Life” action. Photo by Dietrich Gerstner.

Not far from where these Tornado jets were spewing out more than 13 tons of CO2 per flight hour into the atmosphere, cities and towns in the river valleys were cleaning up from recent rains and floods that left more than 177 dead and hundreds more still missing at the time. In some places the rivers rose to the highest in over 100 years, possibly higher than any seen in the last 1,000 years.

Participation in the annual “International Week” in the Covid-19 pandemic was already hampered by the fact that it was held just days after Germany opened its borders to vaccinated visitors from places like the US, and by July 15, the day after my own arrival by air, many railroads and highways were closed by rising water. We heard harrowing travel stories from those few who were able to join us from various points in Germany. Our numbers were much less than expected and the catastrophe of the floods called us to reassess our plans for the week.

We had planned to have enough people to nonviolently blockade the various gates of the base on Friday, July 16, marking the 76th anniversary of the first atomic bomb detonation at Alamogordo, New Mexico in 1945, and the 42nd anniversary of the 1979 uranium mine waste spill at Church Rock, New Mexico — the largest accidental release of radioactive materials in US history. We recognized that even with our reduced numbers, such an act of civil resistance would distract police from search and rescue work that many of them were doing in flooded places in the region. Members of our group met with local police and the commander of the base to inform them that instead of a blockade there would be a simple quiet vigil with signs and prayers outside the main gate on July 16; the planned “Digging for Life” action scheduled for three days later would go on.

The original concept of the event was to be a symbolic piece of theater around the base’s new highly armed security fence with surveillance cameras, motion sensors and a deep concrete foundation. The plan that some of us would dig with pink shovels with the impossible aim of making a tunnel under the fortification and get onto and close the runway while others would cheer them on from a picnic in the adjoining meadow, had to be adapted to our reduced numbers and in recognition of the devastation that had been unfolding around us in the preceding days.

The vibrant pink shovels were muted with black paint or tied with black ribbons. Banners with more light-hearted messages written in pastels were left behind and new ones made more in keeping with the moment, in German, white on black, Stop The Next Catastrophe Before It Begins — Abolish Nuclear Weapons!

As the event unfolded, 14 activists from Germany, the US, and the Netherlands were met at the fence by several times that number of civilian and military police, who after an hour arrested four of the most persistent diggers who were soon released without any charges. In light of the $14 million spent on the new fence meant to keep people like us out, the civilian police had better things to do and could easily have ignored our clearly symbolic effort; some in the local press and more in social media blamed us for distracting the police and military from dealing with the aftermath of the floods.

In the midst of their national disaster, only about 1,000 of the 150,000 soldiers in the German military were employed in flood relief and on the day we were digging for life at Büchel, Tornado jets were crisscrossing over our heads, causing police, protesters, soldiers, and members of the press alike to cover our ears from their deafening roar, illustrating what is often ignored and never mentioned in climate negotiations: the huge part that the militaries of the world play in the climate crisis, the US and its allies more than the rest.

Before the digging began at the fence and under the screaming jets, a police detective called my name and with some ceremony served me with papers from the court informing me that I had been accused, convicted and sentenced to a 900 euro fine or 30 days in prison in response to my actions on my last visit to Germany and to Büchel two years ago. It was decided by the court that “through the same act and acting collectively” and “within the scope of the annual meeting and demonstration against nuclear weapons at the airbase of fighter-bomber squadron 33,” I had “gained unlawful access to the military area and its security sector” by cutting holes in the fence. I remember that the military police sergeant who apprehended us was unreasonably upset about the hole we had made, not so much concerned about the weapons of mass destruction that he was guarding nor the violations of the German Constitution and the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty that they pose. Before leaving Germany, I filed an appeal of my conviction and sentence in the court at Cochem and I hope for the opportunity to argue against the assumed legality of nuclear weapons in a German court.

The United States is preparing to upgrade its current B61 nuclear bombs with the new B61-12, reportedly costing over $20 million each and the German government is looking to soon replace its fleet of Tornados with more sophisticated fighter bombers, both governments spending billions on systems that will significantly lower the threshold of nuclear war and contribute to global warming. There is no solution to the climate crisis and no hope for human life on this planet that does not include disarmament and an end to war.

— Brian Terrell is an Iowa-based peace activist who has spent more than six months in prison for protesting targeted assassinations at US military drone bases. He wrote this report for CommonDreams.

Filed Under: Direct Action, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, US Bombs Out of Germany

  • « Previous Page
  • 1
  • …
  • 81
  • 82
  • 83
  • 84
  • 85
  • …
  • 222
  • Next Page »

Stay Connected

  • Facebook
  • Twitter

Subscribe

Donate

Categories

  • B61 Bombs in Europe
  • Chernobyl
  • Counterfeit Reactor Parts
  • Depleted Uranium
  • Direct Action
  • Environment
  • Environmental Justice
  • Fukushima
  • Lake Superior Barrels
  • Military Spending
  • Newsletter Archives
  • North Korea
  • Nuclear Power
  • Nuclear Weapons
  • Office News
  • On The Bright Side
  • Photo Gallery
  • Protect the Water Close Xcel's Monticello Reactor
  • Quarterly Newsletter
  • Radiation Exposure
  • Radioactive Waste
  • Renewable Energy
  • Social Issues
  • Sulfide Mining
  • Through the Prism of Nonviolence
  • Uncategorized
  • Uranium Mining
  • US Bombs Out of Germany
  • War
  • Weekly Column

Contact Us

(715) 472-4185
nukewatch1@lakeland.ws

Address:
740A Round Lake Road
Luck, Wisconsin 54853
USA

Donate To Nukewatch

News & Information on Nuclear Weapons,
Power, Waste & Nonviolent Resistance

Stay Connected

  • Facebook
  • Twitter

© 2026 · Nukewatch