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July 15, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Fire at Indian Point: New York’s Nuke Operating Without a License

Nukewatch Quarterly Summer 2015
By Karl Grossman

In 1976, Robert Pollard, a rarity among US government nuclear officials—honest and safety-committed—said of the Indian Point nuclear power station that it was “an accident waiting to happen.”

Pollard had been project manager at Indian Point for the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) from which he resigned at that time charging the NRC “suppresses the existence of unresolved safety questions and fails to resolve these problems.” He joined the Union of Concerned Scientists.

An explosion and fire at a transformer at Indian Point 3 on Saturday May 9 is but one of the many accidents that have occurred at the Indian Point facility through the years—none catastrophic as have been the disasters at the Three Mile Island, Chernobyl and the Fukushima-Daiichi nuclear reactors.

But Indian Point 2 has been in operation for 41 years, although when nuclear power was first advanced in the United States, reactors were never seen as running for more than 40 years because of radioactivity embrittling metal parts and otherwise causing safety problems. So licenses were limited to 40 years.

Indian Point 2 is thus now running without an operating license while the NRC considers an application before it from the reactor’s owner, Entergy Corp., to allow it to run another 20 years—for a total of 60 years.

Indian Point 3, where the transformer explosion and fire occurred, has been operational for 39 years and its license expires this year. (Indian Point l was shut down early because of mechanical deficiencies.) Entergy also is seeking to have Indian Point 3’s operating license extended to 60 years.

These old, long problem-plagued reactors, 26 miles up the Hudson River from New York City, are now disasters waiting to happen in a very heavily populated area. Some 22 million people live within 50 miles of the Indian Point site.

Smoke rises from a transformer fire at Indian Point’s Unit 3 reactor in Buchanan, New York on May 9. The Indian Point complex is just 26 miles up the Hudson River from New York City. Photo by Ricky Flores/AP.

“This [reactor] is the nuclear plant that is closest to the most densely populated area on the globe,” declared New York Governor Andrew Cuomo at the Indian Point site on May 10. Gov. Cuomo, who has been pushing to have the Indian Point reactors closed, noted that this was “not the first transformer fire” there, and his concern is that “one situation is going to trigger another.” The unit came back on-line on May 27.

Entergy’s public relations people have recently stressed that the transformer explosion and fire occurred in the “non-nuclear part” of Indian Point 3. However, as Pollard noted in the television documentary “Three Mile Island Revisited”—that I wrote and narrated on that accident—“there is no non-nuclear part of a nuclear plant.”

What could be the extent of a major accident at Indian Point?

The NRC in 1982 issued a report titled “Calculation of Reactor Accident Consequences” or CRAC-2. The research for the report was done at the US Department of Energy’s Sandia National Laboratories in New Mexico.

CRAC-2—you can read the full report online at—www.ccnr.org/crac.html—projects that in the event of a loss-of-coolant accident with breach of containment at Indian Point 2, there could be 46,000 “peak early fatalities,” 141,000 “peak early injuries,” 13,000 “cancer deaths” and a cost in property damages (in 1980 dollars) of $274 billion (which in today’s dollars would be $1 trillion).

For an accident at Indian Point 3, where the transformer explosion and fire happened—because it is a somewhat bigger reactor (generating 1,025 megawatts compared to Indian Point 2’s 1,020 megawatts)—the impacts would be greater, said CRAC-2

For Indian Point 3, in the event of a meltdown with breach of containment, CRAC-2 estimates 50,000 “peak early fatalities,” 167,000 “peak early injuries,” 14,000 “cancer deaths,” and a cost in property damage at $314 billion.

Compounding the problem of the Indian Point reactors being old—consider driving a 60 year-old car on a high-speed Interstate—they are at the intersection of the Ramapo and Stamford earthquake faults. As a 2008 study by seismologists at Columbia University’s Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory found: “Indian Point is situated at the intersection of the two most striking linear features marking the seismicity and [is] also in the midst of a large population that is at risk in case of an accident. This is clearly one of the least favorable sites in our study area from an earthquake hazard and risk perspective.”

“This aging, dilapidated facility has endless problems leaking radioactive chemicals, oil and PCB’s into the Hudson River. It’s unconscionable to permit the continued operation of Indian Point,” said Susan Hito-Shapiro, an environmental attorney and member of the leadership council of the Indian Point Safe Energy Coalition.

Further, she pointed out this week, Indian Point has been described as “the most attractive terrorist target” in the US because of its proximity to New York City and it also being seven miles from the US Military Academy at West Point. Indeed, there was consideration by the 9/11 terrorists of crashing into Indian Point. Both captured jets flew over the Indian Point nuclear station before striking the World Trade Center minutes later.

And she described it as “outrageous” that the Federal Emergency Management Agency has approved an evacuation plan for Indian Point “although it would never work” in the event of a major accident at the reactors, considering the millions of people who stand to be affected.

The key to New York State’s strategy to shut down Indian Point is the denial by the state’s Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) to give Entergy a “water use permit” to let it continue to send hundreds of millions of gallons of water a day from the reactors into the Hudson River.

“We need to make sure DEC stays strong,” says Hito-Shapiro.

In light of the historic, reckless, scandalous weakness of the federal government when it comes to Indian Point—and the nuclear power reactors of other utilities—strong state action is most necessary.

Karl Grossman, professor of journalism at the State University of New York/College of New York, is the author of The Wrong Stuff: The Space Program’s Nuclear Threat to Our Planet, and is an associate of the media watch group Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting.

Filed Under: Environment, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Fire at Rio Tinto’s Open Pit Rössing Uranium Mine in Namibia

1,000 Evacuated
Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015

A fire erupted in a uranium processing building of the Rio Tinto-owned Rössing Uranium Mine in Namibia, the company said in a February 12 statement. The cause of the fire and possible damage to equipment was under investigation, Rio Tinto said.

The fire broke out in the Final Product Recovery (FPR) building where barrels are filled with processed uranium called “yellow cake.” The Chinese news service Xinhua reported February 12 that 1,000 workers had been evacuated and that a member of the fire brigade reportedly said, “It [the fire] was incredibly hot, it was bad.”

The British-Australian giant Rio Tinto, one of the world’s largest mining companies, owns 69 percent of the mine, which is near the town of Arandis, 40 miles from the coastal city of Swakopmund.

Although Rio Tinto said mining operations in areas not affected by the blaze “continued as normal and there were no injuries,” a local paper reported February13 that some workers and members of the Swakopmund fire brigade were tested for radiation exposure. The German newspaper Allemeine Zeitung reported that fire fighters had to undergo urine tests and hand over their protective clothing to Rio Tinto officials.

Rio Tinto said February 13 that “affected employees were evacuated and the fire was extinguished”—after two hours.

A worker who declined to give his name told Xinhua, “The fire happened in a sudden and spread quickly within the plant…. Our only worry now is the possibility of a radiation leakage as this is the final plant where we pack uranium.”

The mine’s spokesperson Botha Ellis told Xinhua, “We are aware of such a possibility, but it is too early to comment on it.…” Adam Hartman, reporting in The Namibian February 13, said, “Fears of radiation exposure were raised by people as far as Swakopmund, but attempts to get further comments from the mine regarding the alleged radiation screening of workers, and the possibility of mine closure for an extended period due to radiation fears, were unsuccessful.”

—JL

—Mining Weekly, Feb. 13; Sapa, Feb. 13; The Namibian, Feb. 13; Xinhua, Feb. 12, 2015

 

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure, Uranium Mining

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Pentagon Announces U-turn on Depleted Uranium Attacks Against Iraq & Syria

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015
By PAX, March 3, 2015 
A US Air Force A-10 “Thunderbolt” or “Warthog” being loaded with 30 millimeter high explosive incendiary, or HEI, ammunition. It can fire either HEI alone, or its standard combat load, which includes armor-piercing depleted uranium ammunition made of waste uranium-238. It cannot select between ammunition types once airborne, which is why DU has historically been used against a far wider range of targets than just tanks.

The Pentagon has announced that depleted uranium (DU) munitions have not, and will not be used by US warplanes in the conflict against Islamic State (IS) in Iraq and Syria. The policy U-turn contrasts with statements made over previous months where Pentagon officials claimed that DU would be used “if needed.” The decision reflects a growing stigmatization of the controversial armor-piercing shells.

Since the decision to send twelve A-10 Thunderbolt gunships to the Middle East as part of Operation Inherent Resolve last December, concerns have been raised that the US would once again use DU in Iraq—already the world’s most DU-contaminated country. Just months before the deployment was announced, Iraq had called on the United Nations for technical assistance in dealing with the legacy of the 404 metric tons of DU (445 US/short tons) that was fired by the US and UK in the conflicts in 1991 and 2003. Iraq also argued in favor of a global treaty ban on the weapons.

In spite of Iraq’s clear and highly visible position against DU weapons, a Pentagon spokesperson said in October that 30 millimeter DU ammunition would be loaded onto the A-10 gunships and used as needed. “If the need is to explode something—for example a tank—[depleted uranium] will be used,” the Pentagon said.

However, in a remarkable change in policy, and in response to questioning from a journalist working with IRIN [news service], the Pentagon said its “Combined Joint Task Force can confirm that US and Coalition aircraft have not been, and will not be, using depleted uranium munitions in Iraq or Syria during Operation Inherent Resolve.”

PAX’s Wim Zwijnenburg welcomed the U-turn, arguing that the conflict is complex enough. Zwijnenburg said, “The further use of these chemically toxic and radioactive munitions would have been yet another burden on the Iraqi population. They are already facing a humanitarian crisis and have grave concerns over the health legacy of historic DU use. The Iraqi government is still struggling with the clean-up of past US DU use, with Iraqi workers and civilians at risk of exposure.”

Depleted uranium isn’t becoming any more acceptable 

Since last October, campaigners and parliamentarians in Belgium, the Netherlands and UK have urged their governments to challenge the US on the issue. The decision to deploy the A-10s came days before 150 countries backed a UN General Assembly resolution calling for international assistance to states affected by DU and for greater transparency over past use to allow clean-up.

International Coalition to Ban Uranium Weapons (ICBUW) Coordinator Doug Weir said, “The overwhelming majority of states have grave concerns about DU weapons. ICBUW believes that this U-turn by the US reflects the growing global stigmatization of DU.” Weir also said, “Coalition partners are responsible for the actions of their peers and it would have been unthinkable for the US to once again use DU on the territory of a country that has so recently called for a global ban on the weapons.”

Fears that DU would be used in attacks against IS recently emerged in the besieged Syrian town of Raqqa, where concern has been expressed over the long-term public health and environmental legacy of the Coalition’s use of the anti-tank munitions.

Identifying, assessing and cleaning-up DU-contaminated military scrap metal in Iraq remains a daunting problem even a decade after the conflict. Iraq’s effort to reduce the risks that DU poses to civilians continues to be hampered by the US military’s refusal to hand over wartime firing coordinates, in spite of calls to do from Congress and US civil rights organizations.

The Pentagon’s statement referred only to the use of DU by coalition aircraft. In the event that US land forces are employed in the conflict, there is still a risk that DU may be used by US armored vehicles and tanks.

—PAX , based in The Netherlands, seeks to accelerate global nuclear disarmament by stigmatizing, outlawing and eliminating nuclear arsenals

Filed Under: Depleted Uranium, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Obama Administration’s Nuclear Warhead Production Budget Larger than under Reagan and Bush—Again

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015
By Greg Mello, Los Alamos Study Group

ALBUQUERQUE—On February 2, the Obama Administration released its proposed fiscal year 2016 budget, including its budget for the Department of Energy and the nation’s nuclear warhead program in the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA). In it, NNSA warhead activities are proposed to increase from roughly $8 billion in the current fiscal year, to over $8.8 billion in fiscal year 2016—an increase of $839 million or 10.5 percent.

US nuclear warhead design and production is fully privatized and the above figures do not include the costs for NNSA’s administration of the program, which in fiscal year 2016 is expected to be $284 million. So, a more accurate total warhead program cost is $9.131 billion.

This is well above the comparable Reagan peak of $8.13 billion in 1985 for the same kind of work, the G.W. Bush peak of $8.28 billion in 2004, and Obama’s previous record last year of $8.27 billion.

The budget request explains that in 2014, the Nuclear Weapons Council* decided to “refresh,” that is replace, the conventional high explosive in the W-88 high-yield warhead for the Trident, submarine-launched ballistic missile, when those warheads are taken to Pantex, Texas, to be fitted with upgraded arming and firing systems beginning in 2020. The purpose is to extend the use of the W-88 into “the late 2030s,” allowing further postponement of the proposed first “interoperable” warhead. Last year, the Obama Administration and Congress deferred the “interoperable” warhead program for five years. Multiple sources told the Los Alamos Study Group that the Navy does not support the program and is not budgeting money or missiles for testing the new warhead.

The NNSA’s budget proposal notes these new details for its planned plutonium warhead core (“pit”) production at New Mexico’s Los Alamos National Lab (LANL):

  • The Chemistry and Metallurgy Research Nuclear Facility—opposed for years by the Los Alamos Study Group and the object of years of litigation—has been formally cancelled.
  • A new $675 million project is announced to modify, partially bring up to code, and re-equip the brand-new, $396 million Radiological, Utility, and Office Building to handle larger quantities of plutonium. This brings the project’s total investment to $1.07 billion, making it by far the most expensive single construction project in the history of New Mexico.
  • A new $1.365 billion project is announced to modify the interior of the main LANL plutonium facility and install new equipment to handle higher production rates, in addition to multiple other items.

Obama’s military budget request would accelerate development of the air-launched Long-Range Standoff Cruise missile by 1.25 fiscal years. Work on this proposed warhead, a W-80 modification, has been moved up by two years.

Strategic bombers are counted as “one warhead” under New START, even though each B-52H bomber can carry up to 20 nuclear-armed Cruise missiles and/or many nuclear-armed gravity bombs. (The B-2 bomber also carries Cruise missiles and the Long-Range Strike Bomber is being designed for this mission as well.) Long-Range Standoff warheads will not be counted under New START.

Overall this is a status quo budget, one that generally follows prior projections and plans. The proposed big spending increase was expected. There are no sudden departures. Contractor greed and waste are still being rewarded in the three big national labs [Los Alamos, Lawrence Livermore, and Sandia]. The contractors are still basically in charge. The dead-man-walking “interoperable warhead” program is still on the books despite its lack of support in the military. No old warhead types are being retired. No ICBM bases are being closed.

Looking deeper, morale and management problems will continue and are certain to explode in unpredictable ways. The fiasco created by LANL at the Waste Isolation Pilot Project in New Mexico is a harbinger of further trouble down the line, because nothing fundamental has been fixed. (See p. 6)

There is no way to have a well-managed nuclear weapons program. It’s a fiasco-generating contradiction that NNSA has to live with every day.

Sooner or later nuclear weapons will be gone. The question they pose is whether we will exit at the same time—either because we finally open the “nuclear umbrella,” or because our investments in the mushroom cloud preclude the solidarity needed to save a living planet from the other threats we’ve created.

In this budget we see NNSA’s nuclear weapons “life extension program.” What about a life extension program for humanity, for our civilization?

—Greg Mello is a Director of the Los Alamos Study Group. 

*The five-member Nuclear Weapons Council, operated jointly by the departments of Defense and Energy, includes the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics; the Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; the Energy Department Under Secretary for Nuclear Security; the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy and the head of US Strategic Command.

Filed Under: Military Spending, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

“You Can’t Surrender to a Drone”

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015
By Kathy Kelly

The Federal Bureau of Prisons contacted me January 22, assigning me a prison number and a new address: for the next 90 days, beginning January 23, I’ll live at FMC Lexington, in the satellite prison camp for women, adjacent to Lexington’s federal medical center for men. Very early January 23, Buddy Bell, Cassandra Dixon, and Paco and Silver, two house guests whom we first met in protests on South Korea’s Jeju Island, will travel with me to Kentucky and deliver me to the prison.

In December 2014, Judge Matt Whitworth sentenced me to three months after Georgia Walker and I had attempted to deliver a loaf of bread and a letter to the commander of Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri, asking him to stop his troops from piloting lethal drone flights over Afghanistan from within the base. Judge Whitworth allowed me over a month to surrender myself to prison, but whether you are a soldier or a civilian, a target or an unlucky bystander, you can’t surrender to a drone. (For more on drone strikes, see “short” on page 3.)

When I was imprisoned at Lexington prison in 1988, after a federal magistrate in Missouri sentenced me to one year for planting corn on nuclear missile silo sites, other women prisoners playfully nicknamed me “Missiles.” One of my sisters reliably made me laugh today, texting me to ask if I thought the women this time would call me “Drones.”

Activist, educator, and author Kathy Kelly co-coordinates Voices for Creative Nonviolence.

It’s good to laugh and feel camaraderie before heading into prison. For someone like me, very nearly saturated in “white privilege” through much of this arrest, trial and sentencing process, 90 percent (or more) of my experience will likely depend on attitude.

But, for many of the people I’ll meet in prison, an initial arrest very likely began with something like a “night raid” staged in Iraq or Afghanistan, complete with armed police surrounding and bursting into their home to remove them from children and families, often with helicopters overhead, sequestering them in a county jail, often with very little oversight to assure that guards and wardens treat them fairly. Some prisoners will not have had a chance to see their children before being shipped clear across the country. Some will not have been given adequate medical care as they adjust to life in prison, possibly going without prescribed medicines and often traumatized by the sudden dissolution of ties with family and community. Some will not have had the means to hire a lawyer and may not have learned much about their case from an overworked public defender.

In the US, the criminal justice system disproportionately incarcerates people of color for petty offences. Many take plea bargains under threat of excessive, punitive sentences. If I were a young black male, the US penal system quite likely would not have allowed me to turn myself in to a federal prison camp.

I’ll be incarcerated in the “satellite” camp outside a medical facility where I expect the wards are crowded with geriatric patients. How bleak and unnecessary it is to confine people for decades. My friend Brian Terrell, who was incarcerated in Yankton, South Dakota for six months after crossing the line at Whiteman AFB, told me that while in prison he saw signs on the walls recruiting prisoners to train for medically assisting geriatric male prisoners. I shudder to think of our culture’s pervading callousness, pointlessly consigning so many aged people to languish in prison.

I will be free in three months, but our collective future is most assuredly shackled to a wrongheaded criminal justice system. I hope this compulsively vengeful and diseased criminal justice system will change during my lifetime. And I hope that my short sojourn inside Lexington’s prison walls will help me better understand and perhaps help shed some small light on the systems that affect other people trapped there.

During recent visits with concerned communities focused on drone warfare, many have helped me see a connection between the drone killings across Central Asia and the Middle East and the casual executions and incarceration of young black males in our own country.

In Afghanistan, where the noise of air strikes and civil war have faded to the buzz of drones and the silence of empty promises, our friends in the Afghan Peace Volunteers (APVs) continue their peace building efforts. Last week, 80 street children walked from the APV center to the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission office to assert their right to education. Their signs expressed their determination to help create a school for street children. One sign said, “We don’t want your charity. We want dignity.”

Our young friends wish to provide a better life for the very children whose only other means of getting off the streets may well include joining the Taliban, criminal gangs, or some other militia. Meanwhile, the United States’ vengeful stance as a nation, concerned with protecting its wealth and status at all costs and its safety above all considerations of equity or reason, destroys the lives of the impoverished at home as it destroys those abroad.

The “Black Lives Matter” protests need our support, as do the protests to “Shut Down Creech” Air Force Base in Nevada. Our friends in the Afghan Peace Volunteers continue to do vital work for peace and solidarity, in Kabul, that needs our support. It’s encouraging to know that thousands of committed people seek and find work to make our world less like a prison for our neighbors and ourselves.

My address through April 23 is:

Kathy Kelly 04971-045
FMC Lexington
Federal Medical Center
Satellite Camp
PO Box 14525
Lexington, KY 40512

Kathy Kelly co-coordinates Voices for Creative Nonviolence in Chicago. For more information, please contact VCNV at info@vcnv.org.

Filed Under: Direct Action, Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, War

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