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July 15, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Chernobyl and the Fire Next Time

Nukewatch Quarterly Summer 2015
By John LaForge 

The April 26, 1986 Chernobyl disaster was remembered unhappily the world over. In Germany, 29 years after the fact, the ancient custom of wild boar hunting is still prohibited because the animals remain too contaminated with Chernobyl’s long-lived radioactive fallout.

Government warnings of Chernobyl’s dispersed cancer agents are nearly forgotten today, but a May 14, 1986 bulletin from the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)said, “[A]irborne radioactivity from the Chernobyl nuclear accident is now so widespread that it is likely to fall to the ground wherever it rains in the United States.”

A week later, Minnesotans read, “For the second time since the [Chernobyl disaster] last month, a slightly elevated level of radioactive iodine has been found in a Minnesota milk sample, state health officials said. … The amount of iodine-131 in the air also increased slightly [May 19] after several days of decline, health officials said.” (“Slight rise in radioactivity found again in state milk,” Duluth News-Tribune & Herald, May 22, 1986)

The AP reported May 15, 1986, “State authorities in Oregon have warned residents dependent solely on rainwater for drinking that they should arrange other supplies for the time being.” Likewise, regarding the triple reactor meltdowns at Fukushima, Forbes reported on April 11, 2011: “Radiation from Japan has been detected in drinking water in 13 more American cities, and cesium-137 has been found in American milk—in Montpelier, Vermont—for the first time since the Japan nuclear disaster began, according to data released by the EPA late [April 8].”

Wildfires put contamination back in the air 

Chernobyl exploded and burned out of control for weeks. The French Nuclear Energy Agency’s “2002 Update of Chernobyl,” noted that “[C]ontinuing low-level releases occurred … for up to 40 days after the accident, particularly on 15 and 16 May, attributable to continuing outbreaks of fires or to hot areas in the reactor.…”

Demonstrating nuclear power’s capacity for whole-earth poisoning, the catastrophic consequences are still spreading three decades later.

The dispersion of large amounts of radioactive cesium-137—which persists in the environment for at least 300 years—was especially concentrated in Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia, where half the spewed radiation fell. The other half spread to every country in the Northern Hemisphere. The American Geophysical Union reported in 2009 that radioactive cesium-137 dispersed by Chernobyl wouldn’t “disappear” from the environment through decay for up to 320 years.

Cesium has heavily contaminated forested areas of Chernobyl’s Exclusion Zone, an area of some 1,000 square miles surrounding the reactor where access and habitation are severely limited. When the forests catch fire, radioactive materials including cesium are again dispersed to the winds.

For two months in the summer of 2010, wildfires in Russia burned over 2 million acres and caused at least 50 deaths. The August 10, 2010 the New York Times noted that “dozens of fires have been burning in contaminated zones.” Two days later, the AP and the Agency France Presse cited government reports that at least six wildfires had been extinguished “this week” in the heavily-contaminated Bryansk region.

About the 2010 wildfires, Time magazine reported that Russian leaders had removed maps of likely radiation-contaminated fires from web sites maintained by the national forestry agency. (Taking a lesson from the Russians, the US government halted its emergency radiation monitoring of water and milk on the West Coast a mere two months after the start of Fukushima’s three explosions and meltdowns.)

In 2002, dozens of peat fires and wildfires again spread across heavily-contaminated Belarus. The AP reported July 22, 2002 that “Belarusian Emergency Minister Valery Astapov said radiation levels in the fire zone are elevated…”

The Washington Post and AP reported in April 1996 that a wildfire had “spread quickly through five villages in the exclusion zone, carried by strong winds blowing toward Kiev and its 2.6 million residents. It burned pines and buildings in one of the areas most heavily contaminated with radioactive cesium.”

“Eight percent” of radioactive fallout re-suspended—but eight percent of what? 

The latest news of cesium spreading from Chernobyl comes from a team of researchers led by Timothy Mousseau, a biologist at the University of South Carolina. According to Dr. Mousseau’s report, published in Ecological Monographs, wildfires that burned in the exclusion zone in 2002, 2008 and 2010 have together redistributed approximately eight percent of the original amount of cesium-137 released by the 1986 disaster—the world’s worst accidental airborne release. The researchers warned that large blazes in the future could spread significant amounts of radioactive soot across Europe, leading to contamination of food crops, the New York Times reported April 6, 2015.

In 2006, The Other Report on Chernobyl (TORCH, by Ian Fairlie and David Sumner) concluded that about 30 percent of the reactor’s radioactivity was distributed over the reactor building and surrounding areas and about 1–2 percent was ejected into the atmosphere. The sum total of radioactivity released was about 324.3 million curies. All of the reactor’s radioactive gases (xenon and krypton) were released.

In 2005, the Chernobyl Forum—comprised of more than 100 scientists, eight UN agencies and the governments of Russia, Belarus and Ukraine—estimated that the total release over the first 10 days reached 378.3 million curies. (Bob Edwards, “Major UN report counts human cost of Chernobyl,” New Scientist, Sept. 5, 2005.)

The Lawrence Livermore National Lab suggested in 1986 that 50 percent of the core’s radioactivity was spewed—4.5 billion curies, according to Science, June 13, 1986. In 1991, Vladimir Chernousenko, a fellow of the Institute of Theoretical Physics of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and chief scientific supervisor of “clean up” in the 10-kilometer zone around the demolished reactor, noted that independent experts estimated that 80 percent of the reactor’s radioactivity escaped—over 6.4 billion curies.

According to Mousseau, forests covered 50 percent the Chernobyl exclusion zone before 1986, but trees and brush now cover 70 percent of the no-go area. Mousseau’s team reports that as climate change increasingly heats and dries the region, wildfires are expected to rage more often and more fiercely.

Asked by the Times what the consequences of this dispersion of radioactive materials might be, Mousseau was circumspect and grim. “There is never a positive consequence of having increased amounts of mutagenic materials in our environment,” he said. “It’s always negative.”

Filed Under: Chernobyl, Environment, Fukushima, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure, Radioactive Waste

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Spring Melt: Three Mile Island, Chernobyl & Fukushima Taint the Season

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015
By Arianne Peterson

“Following the accident at the nuclear power plant, government authorities realized to their horror that their existing plans for such an emergency were too vague to address the challenges now facing them. Making matters worse, technical experts disagreed about the state of the crippled reactor and what might happen next. Some confidently asserted that events were ‘under control,’ while others warned that ongoing radioactive emissions might portend an imminent release of catastrophic proportions. More worryingly still, no one could predict the likelihood or timing of such a development confidently enough to inform decisions about ordering evacuations. Should the local population be evacuated, or would that measure only incite unnecessary panic? Proximity to the capital gave the situation extra urgency. Might it, too, have to be evacuated, with all the unfathomable costs that might entail? Without reliable measurements of the total radioactivity released to the environment or estimates of how large it might grow, policy makers had no choice but to answer these fraught questions on the basis of guesswork.”

This account of a major nuclear reactor catastrophe appeared in an April 2014 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists article by Edward M. Geist, Nuclear Security Fellow at RAND. But which disaster was Geist recounting? Was it Three Mile Island, Chernobyl, or Fukushima? In fact, his description applies to all three. This narrative played out exactly the same way three separate times over the past thirty-six years.

Crime scene: The control room at Chernobyl’s Reactor 4 in 2005—nearly 20 years after the meltdown. Photo: Gerd Ludwig, National Geographic.

As we at Nukewatch sat down to choose the content for this issue, we noticed another pattern: all three of these disasters began in the spring—Three Mile Island on March 28, 1979; Chernobyl on April 26, 1986; and Fukushima on March 11, 2011.

Thus, spring—which otherwise brings promises of new life here in the frozen north—now portends the potential self-destruction and long-lived pollution that compound the costs of nuclear power. As we ponder which of the world’s 438 nuclear power reactors might melt down next, we brace ourselves for the idea that, if this pattern holds true, the next disaster will happen in spring. If there are any more of these awful anniversaries to commemorate, we’ll have to add extra pages to every spring Quarterly.

As Geist’s narrative illustrates, there are more common elements among these three catastrophic events than their seasonal timing—similarities that should inform a public interested in protecting itself and the planet from complete devastation. The overall pattern shows clear evidence that neither can we handle nuclear technology safely, nor do we have any reason to believe we are more prepared to deal with a major “accident” (we’re unsure the term applies to an event precipitated by gross corporate and government negligence) now than we were in 1979, 1986 or 2011. Here, we review in more detail just a few of the common elements of these spring nuclear catastrophes—and their implications for future meltdowns.

Operators, regulators and corporations ignored warnings.

In the case of Three Mile Island (TMI), at least three individuals testified to the president’s Kemeny Commission after the partial meltdown with evidence that their efforts to warn operators of the likelihood for a disaster were thwarted. Two safety engineers at Babcock and Wilcox (which built TMI’s reactors), Joseph J. Kelly and Bert M. Dunn, testified that they had written numerous memos attempting to convince their supervisors to notify Babcock and Wilcox (B & W) reactor operators of the risk of a loss-of-coolant accident after a similar emergency at another B & W reactor, Davis-Besse, in 1977. Corporate officials thwarted the engineers’ attempts to let operators know what to look for—and, more importantly, exactly how to deal with such an emergency.

Similarly, an inspector for the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), James Creswell, testified that he warned his supervisors just a few weeks before the accident that all B & W reactors should be shut down in order to properly address the safety concerns raised by the Davis-Besse incident. NRC officials dismissed his concerns. Also, a broken cooling valve contributed to the disaster—the eleventh such valve failure at the facility within one year. Clearly, operators should have identified and addressed this problem.

In 2003, Ukraine released more than 100 previously secret intelligence files proving that government officials knew the Chernobyl nuclear facility was flawed from the start of its operation. The files show that operating authorities ignored KGB warnings about the use of sub-standard building materials and technicians ignoring safety regulations, with twenty-nine accidents occurring between 1977 and 1981. A 1979 KGB report stated, “According to operational data, there were deviations from design and violations of technology procedures during building and assembling works. It may lead to accidents.” After an inspection of the nuclear facility just one week before the meltdown, engineers recommended the reactors be shut down because conditions at the facility were so dangerous.

In his May 2011 book Fukushima Meltdown: The World’s First Earthquake-Tsunami-Nuclear Disaster, Takashi Hirose refutes claims by the Japanese government and Fukushima Daiichi reactor owner Tepco (Tokyo Electric Power Company) that the devastation caused by the earthquake and tsunami to the six-reactor complex was “beyond expectation.” In August of 2010, Hirose published a warning that was partly an attempt to amplify the conclusions of a well-known seismologist, Ishibashi Katsuhiko. Katsuhiko had been warning of the potential for what he called a genpatsu shinsai (“nuclear-power-plant-earthquake-disaster”) since the late 1990s. Hirose asserts that Katsuhiko’s work was so well-known it would have been impossible for Tepco officials not to have seen it. In Fukushima Meltdown, Hirose asks, “If I, neither a scholar nor a specialist, was able to foresee this, and the nuclear power specialists from Tepco and from the government’s nuclear-related agencies were not, then for what do they exist?”

Evacuation efforts were grossly inadequate.

The government never issued an evacuation order to protect residents living near the Three Mile Island facility, and Pennsylvania Governor Dick Thornburgh held off for two days before issuing an evacuation advisory for pregnant women and preschool children living within five miles of the reactors. Former nuclear industry executive Arnie Gundersen maintains that under the Nucular Regulatory Commission’s own rules, an evacuation should have been ordered on March 28, the first day of the disaster, due to calculated radiation exposures in the town of Goldsboro, Penn. reaching 10 rems per hour. Given the authorities’ inability to measure the nature and amount of radioactive elements released, the decision not to evacuate is inexcusable at best, if not an act of reckless endangerment, based on long-term death toll estimates.

Soviet officials did not begin evacuating residents from around Chernobyl until 36 hours after the explosions that spewed radioactive particles from Unit 4 around 1:30 a.m. on April 26, 1986. Though residents could see the graphite fire burning on the roof of the facility and many felt ill within hours of the explosion, they were not immediately informed of the disaster, and the evacuation of the eighteen-mile exclusion zone around the reactors did not begin until 2:00 p.m. on April 27. Health workers and volunteers did not start distributing potassium iodine, which blocks the absorption of radioactive iodine in the thyroid, until more than 24 hours after the initial release. Measurements in the city of Pripyat, next to the reactor complex, showed street-level radiation as high as 6.5 roentgens per hour (an exposure to 500 roentgens in five hours is usually lethal for human beings), with 50 percent of the radioactive particles containing radioactive iodine-131. Residents were told that they only needed to evacuate for three days—when in reality most were never able to return. Authorities later reported they had to scrap their original and grossly inadequate emergency plans and start from scratch during the catastrophe, in order to reformulate how to handle the evacuation of 135,000 people.

After the tsunami hit Japan’s shores in the late afternoon of March 11, 2011, the government knew that all six of the reactors at Fukushima Daiichi were in danger of melting down due to the loss of coolant at the facility. Yet, just like their United States and Soviet counterparts, Japanese officials moved slowly in evacuating residents, only completing the first evacuation—from within a radius of less than two miles around the facility—the next morning. Officials kept slowly expanding the evacuation zone, and only after the massive explosion in reactor 1, which occurred at 4:30 p.m. on March 12, did they expand the zone to a radius of 12.5 miles. Months later, on July 20, the US State Department restated its advisory that US citizens keep 50 miles away from the wrecked reactor complex. Later, a former senior US diplomat in Japan disclosed that the original plan of evacuating all 90,000 US citizens in Tokyo at the time of the meltdown was rejected not because it was unnecessary but because “it could have … caused panic among the Japanese.”

Officials could not—or would not—adequately measure, track or publicize radioactive releases.

In all three nuclear disasters, evacuation and other disaster mitigation efforts were significantly hindered by uncertainty about “source term,” or the total amount and type of radiation released. Though operators of nuclear facilities usually have a good understanding of which isotopes are inside a reactor, the nature of the source term can change upon release depending on the means by which they escape containment and their interaction with the surrounding environment. Nuclear experts have had difficulty reconstructing the source term, even after catastrophic events, and predicting them in advance is almost impossible. Essentially, this means that even the best emergency response plans are still based on guesswork.

On the day of the Chernobyl meltdown, children played in this kindergarten in Pripyat, Ukraine, the town next to the reactors. Authorities evacuated the area the next day. Photo by Gerd Ludwig, National Geographic, 2005.

During the meltdowns at Chernobyl and Fukushima as well as the partial meltdown at Three Mile Island, radiation monitors in the immediate vicinity of the reactors either maxed out or were destroyed (23 of 24 monitors at Fukushima were wrecked by the giant earthquake). We have only computer modeling to determine how much radioactive material was dispersed to the winds during the melting. Our understanding of the total radiation released—and thus, potential long-term health and environmental impacts—is extremely limited and difficult to predict. This uncertainty enables regulators and industry lobbyists to assume a minimum amount of damage and resist citizen-driven attempts for more rigorous safety standards.

Though technology for measuring the amount and nature of isotopes released during a radioactive release is still dangerously inadequate, operators at Fukushima did have access to a modern system for tracking the direction of the radioactive plume in real time (dubbed System for Prediction of Environmental Emergency Dose Information, or SPEEDI). It is more sophisticated than those available at TMI and Chernobyl decades earlier. But we operate nuclear reactors in a political and economic atmosphere, rather than just a scientific landscape. Just having access to this data was not incentive enough for Japanese officials to make use of it to protect their own populations.

In a lengthy investigative August 2011 report, the New York Times found that Japanese authorities deliberately endangered even the most vulnerable individuals—women, children, infants and the elderly—by at first denying and then covering up its own data about wind direction and radioactive fallout. According to the report, Japan’s SPEEDI radiation tracking program, “had been churning out maps and other data hourly since the first hours after the catastrophic earth quake and tsunami.” But officials withheld this data until March 23, even from rescue workers and local authorities, in violation of the prime minister’s own nuclear disaster manuals. This meant that the residents of the town of Namie, which is outside of the evacuation zone, carried on life as usual for three days while being exposed to the highest levels of radiation in the area—directly under the radioactive plume that, it turns out, was visible on the government’s real-time maps.

We keep operating nuclear reactors the same way, expecting different results.

Reactor operators and government officials around the world continue to ignore warning signs that more nuclear reactor meltdowns are imminent. In the United States, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) continues to extend the operating licenses and approve power “uprates” at its aging fleet of nuclear reactors for as much as twenty years beyond their originally planned forty-year lifetimes. In January of this year, the NRC rejected a petition, signed by 10,000 members of the US public and submitted by watchdog group Beyond Nuclear, asking the agency to suspend operating licenses at the US’s twenty-two General Electric Mark I boiling water reactors. These reactors are identical to those that melted down at Fukushima Daiichi and, experts have long argued, they have major design flaws.

Though the US State Department recommended an evacuation radius of 50 miles for its citizens near the Fukushima disaster zone, the NRC refuses to require evacuation and communication planning for areas more than 10 miles from our 99 operating reactors. This kind of negligence could lead to a disaster with an impact on a scale we have never seen—for example, if one of the reactors at New York’s Indian Point melted down. Indian Point is less than 40 miles from Manhattan and New York’s roughly 8.5 million residents, who live close enough to be severely affected by a radiation release—but not close enough that the government requires anyone to plan for their evacuation. Similarly, should a meltdown occur at the Pilgrim nuclear facility in Massachusetts, over 200,000 Cape Cod inhabitants could be forced to flee toward the source of the radiation in order to escape a radioactive plume, through the bottlenecks of only two bridges that connect them with the mainland.

How many more times must we relive this horror story before we decide to shut down all nuclear reactors for good?

Filed Under: Chernobyl, Fukushima, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Power, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure, Radioactive Waste

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

WIPP’ed Energy Department Shirks Responsibility for Leak

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015

The US Department of Energy (DOE) has appealed the $54 million in fines the New Mexico Environment Department (NMED) imposed December 6 for 30 permit violations that led to the radioactive waste barrel explosion and radiation release at the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) near Carlsbad on Feb. 14, 2014. Calling the fines “capricious,” federal officials also threatened to pay them from the cleanup fund already allocated toward relieving New Mexico of the radioactive burden it has borne since it began hosting US nuclear weapons development with the Manhattan Project more than half a century ago.

“Essentially, DOE is threatening to punish states by doing less cleanup work if states attempt to hold it accountable for violating federal and state environmental laws,” NMED Secretary Ryan Flynn said February 20. Frustrated by the federal agency’s refusal to take responsibility for the gross mismanagement at its WIPP and Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL) facilities, Flynn confirmed that his office is preparing new compliance orders imposing well over $100 million in DOE fines.

“When you think of a container of radioactive material exploding without any kind of ignition switch that was stored above ground and transported on highways, and you think about what could have occurred if it exploded at ground level at Los Alamos or on the road, I don’t think $54 million is too much to pay, if you’re talking about protecting New Mexicans and their lives,” Flynn stated.

Greg Mello of the Los Alamos Study Group has noted that the Obama administration’s proposed increase in nuclear weapons spending would pay “all the NMED-imposed fines a few times over.”

Last September a DOE report confirmed that LANL’s use of organic instead of inorganic kitty litter in packing material contributed to the barrel explosion and subsequent radiation leak that shut down WIPP and exposed almost two dozen workers to radiation a year ago. The report also attributed the policy change that called for “an organic” instead of “inorganic” litter to a handwritten note misread by the LANL procedure writer.

Officials estimate that cleanup of the WIPP site will cost upward of half a billion dollars and take until at least 2018 or 2019. As the nation’s only current option for storing high-level radioactive waste, the continued closure will significantly slow, if not halt, clean-up of early nuclear weapons production and testing facilities throughout the country. More than 500 of the 5,565 mis-packaged and mislabeled LANL waste drums, like the one that exploded, remain underground at WIPP.

—ASP

—AP, Jan. 10; Current-Argus (Carlsbad), Feb. 12; Albuquerque Journal, Feb. 9, 13 & 21, 2015.

Editor’s note: Nukewatch has covered the WIPP leak continuously over the past year; for more background on the situation, see our Spring, Fall, and Winter 2014 Quarterly issues, which are accessible online at www.nukewatchinfo.org. 

 

Filed Under: Environment, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, Radiation Exposure, Radioactive Waste

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Public Interest Groups: High-Level Waste Dump “All Risk and No Reward for Texas”

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015
By John LaForge

A high-level radioactive waste “parking lot” proposed for West Texas poses both terrible and unnecessary risks for people throughout the country—Texas in particular—and should not be built, according to a coalition of public interest groups that declared its opposition to the plan Feb. 9.

The proposal was announced February 6 by Waste Control Specialists (WCS), which currently operates a low-level radioactive dump at its 14,000 acre site in Andrews County, Texas, near the New Mexico border. WCS, in partnership with the French nuclear giant AREVA, plans to submit its application for accepting high-level radioactive waste to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) next year.

About 70,000 tons of such high-level waste fuel is now stored at about 70 reactor sites around the country. The waste is some of most long-lived, deadly and dangerous material known to science, radioactive for over half-a-million years. “High-level” waste specifically refers to fuel rods from the nuclear power industry and plutonium-contaminated military waste; “low-level” is actually a broad term that encompasses the rest of the radioactive waste spectrum.

If federal agencies approve its application, the private partnership could begin accepting spent fuel from the US’s operating nuclear reactors by 2020.

“It was irresponsible even to generate high-level nuclear waste without a plan for how to dispose of it,” said Robert Weissman, president of Public Citizen, in a press release. “It would be doubly so to ship it across the country, with no serious plan to protect it in transit or in its new temporary destination. Hiding the problem of high-level nuclear waste in West Texas doesn’t make it go away, it makes it worse.”

Diane D’Arrigo, radioactive waste project director at Nuclear Information and Resource Service, said, “Moving nuclear waste to a supposedly temporary consolidated storage place gives the delusion of ‘a solution’ when in fact it will at least double the risks and create a de facto permanent dump near one of the largest aquifers in the country.”

Containers of radioactive waste being buried at the Waste Control Specialists’ dump in Andrews, Texas.

D’Arrigo called the plan part of an elaborate, unnecessary shell game. “WCS is really volunteering to make the US nuclear problem worse by putting the deadliest radioactive wastes from nuclear power on the same highways, railways and waterways we all use every day,” she said. The government said 20 years ago that the waste could safely be kept at reactor sites for 100 years.

“This plan is all risk and no reward for the state of Texas,” said Tom Smith, director of Public Citizen’s Texas Office. “It poses transportation and accident risks around the country. We don’t need Fukushima Freeways,” he said.

Public Citizen outlined five key objections to the plan, most of which were raised by Texas’s own Commission on Environmental Quality (TCEQ) last year:

  1. Waste shipments would be targets for sabotage or blackmail by terrorists. TCEQ noted that the waste is more vulnerable to accidents or attacks while in transit than if left it where it is, because security is lighter then and fewer radiation shields would be available. Shipments from reactors around the country—passing through dozens of population centers—could last over 24 years. The Energy Department estimates that there would be about 10,700 shipments if done by rail; about 53,000 shipments (others say 100,000) if done by truck.
  2. WCS would have only limited liability, while the public would be put at risk from transport accidents, leaks and terrorism.
  3. So-called “short-term” storage may become permanent—an unearned trophy for the nuclear industry. The complex scientific analysis required for any permanent waste site would take about ten years and has not been done.
  4. The WCS site is too close to the Ogallala Aquifer, which provides water to eight states.

“The federal government has made a mess of nuclear waste policy,” said Arjun Makhijani, president of the Institute for Energy and Environmental Research. “The highly radioactive spent fuel from nuclear reactors should be stored on-site, in hardened configurations while Washington sorts it out. Putting the deadliest nuclear waste on the roads needlessly increases risks.”

The only plausible rationale for moving high-level waste away from reactor sites has come from those warning about tsunami risks on the West Coast, and from environmental justice advocates who note that radioactive waste is often placed—as with Xcel’s Prairie Island reactors in Minnesota—near Native American communities.

Rose Gardner lives about five miles from the WCS site. “Here they go again, moving forward their dangerous ambitions,” she said. “These people at WCS haven’t even given the most affected community, Eunice, New Mexico, a chance to get used to their existing ‘low-level’ radioactive waste dump, and now they’re trying to cram a high-level nuclear waste storage site into an area next to us. These are selfish and greedy people. Andrews County may profit, but not Eunice, which will bear great risks.”

Former Texas State Rep. Lon Burnam of Fort Worth said, “The site isn’t even dry—a minimum safety prerequisite for safe storage or disposal of radioactive waste. Recently, 22 percent of test wells at the existing low-level radioactive waste site had water present. … WCS admits the Ogallala Aquifer is nearby. What would happen if radioactive waste contaminated water that lies beneath eight states?”

This is just one of many urgent questions to be answered before deciding what to do with radioactive waste.

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Radioactive Waste

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Hearings Completed on Lake Huron Dump Proposal

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015
By Beyond Nuclear

Canada has closed its formal public review of a proposed “Deep Geologic Repository” (DGR), underground dump, for radioactive waste conducted by the federal Joint Review Panel, the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission and the Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency. In a November 18 notice, the panel said it will make a recommendation to Canada’s Environment Minister by May 2015. The Minister will then make a recommendation to the Prime Minister’s Cabinet, by-passing Parliament.

The DGR is an industry-sponsored plan to save money by burying radioactive wastes next to one of its biggest reactor complexes—Bruce Nuclear Generating Station (NGS)—near the shore of Lake Huron on Ontario’s Bruce Peninsula, northwest of Toronto and Detroit—about 50 miles east of the tip of Michigan’s “thumb.” Bruce NGS includes nine reactors altogether, eight still operable (four reactors at Bruce A, and four at Bruce B). It is one of the largest nuclear power sites in the world.

The dangerous Keystone XL tar sands pipeline proposal has made TransCanada Pipelines a household word, but it is not well known that TransCanada is a major shareholder in Bruce NGS. TransCanada and its partners took over operations at Bruce in 2002, after its previous operator, British Energy, went bankrupt.

Ontario Power Generation (OPG) owns Bruce NGS, but TransCanada Pipelines and its partners lease and operate the reactors. Thus, TransCanada has been generating radioactive waste there for over 13 years and plans on decades of additional radioactive waste production.

OPG proposes burying all of Ontario’s so-called “low” and “intermediate” level radioactive wastes in a DGR on the Lake Huron shore at Bruce. Radioactive wastes generated by Bruce’s eight reactors, combined with additional radioactive wastes from a dozen more OPG-owned reactors east of Toronto—eight at Pickering, four at Darlington—would be buried at the DGR. TransCanada’s radioactive waste generated at Bruce would comprise a large fraction of the deadly material to be buried on the Lake Huron shore less than a mile from the water’s edge.

The proposed DGR at Bruce NGS would be for burial of so-called “low-” and “intermediate-level” radioactive wastes, originating from 20 OPG-owned reactors. There is speculation that once approved, the “low” and “intermediate” level waste DGR would simply morph into a catch-all for high-level waste. During public hearings by the Joint Review Panel attended by Nukewatch in September 2014, government witnesses testified that current legislation does not prevent high-level waste from eventually being buried in the “low-level” DGR.

The Great Lakes serve as the drinking water supply for 40 million people in eight US states, two Canadian provinces and a large number of Native North American First Nations. A leak of into the lakes, due to a transport accident, chronic dump failure, or intentional attack could be catastrophic.

Search for High-Level Waste Dump Site Also Underway
By Gordon Edwards

The Canadian government is simultaneously searching for a community to construct a deep dump site for all of the nuclear industry’s high-level radioactive waste (used nuclear reactor fuel) for permanent storage. The used fuel remains highly radiotoxic for millions of years. The waste producers—Ontario Power Generation, TransCanada Pipelines and others—want to bury and eventually abandon it in order to cut their losses, limit their liability—and get a “green light” from decision makers to extend reactor operations and indefinitely continue producing radioactive waste.

Once abandoned, the nuclear waste will no longer be their problem—but a public liability. The nuclear industry’s socialism means private profit now and public risk forevermore.

The waste generators created the Nuclear Waste Management Agency (NWMO) to carry out the site selection process. Originally there were 22 communities—3 in Saskatchewan, the rest in Ontario—that expressed interest in receiving financial compensation in order to find out more about the NWMO’s plans. Each community is given $400,000 for participating, even if it later opts out. However, the list of potential host communities is shrinking and is now down to 9 after two more areas—Creighton, Saskatchewan, and Schreiber, Ontario—were recently taken off the list. Dr. Mahrez Ben Belfadhel, Director of Geoscientific Site Evaluations at the NWMO, said March 3, “[T]here is limited potential in the areas of Creighton or Schreiber to find a site….”

Further site selection studies are ongoing near the nine Ontario communities of Blind River, Central Huron, Elliot Lake, Hornepayne, Huron-Kinloss, Ignace, Manitouwadge, South Bruce and White River.

Mike Krizanc, NWMO’s Manager of Communications, said in a statement March 3 that the agency’s purpose is to develop and implement the management and long-term “care” of Canada’s used nuclear [reactor] fuel that is “socially acceptable, technically sound, environmentally responsible and economically feasible.” It will take several more years before a site can be confirmed.

—Gordon Edwards is the President of the Canadian Coalition for Nuclear Responsibility.

Take action:

Concerned readers should write or call local, state and federal lawmakers demanding they urge the Canadian government to reject the proposed dump.

On Sept. 18, 2014, US Senators Carl Levin, Debbie Stabenow, Mark Kirk and Tammy Baldwin introduced Senate Res. 565 urging the Canada not to allow a permanent radioactive waste repository to be built in the Great Lakes Basin. The parallel in the US House is HR 716.

For details see: stopthegreatlakesnucleardump.com 

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Radioactive Waste

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