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October 24, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Presidential Nuclear Nonsense

In the 1980s, hundreds of thousands marched in German towns against US intermediate range Pershing nuclear missiles. Upper right banner says: “Missiles out of Heilbronn [pop. 122,000] and off to the Pentagon”
The Reagan Administration’s 1980s crazy talk of “winning” nuclear war with “only” 20 million US dead produced a lot of anti-nuclear activism — all over the world. In Europe, hundreds of thousands marched against the placement of US Cruise and Pershing II missiles in NATO countries.

Fear of nuclear war and anger over presidential ignorance of it also produced the 1987 Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty, or INF. The treaty banned nuclear-armed missiles in Europe with a range of 270-to-2970 miles. About 2,700 missiles were destroyed by 1991, a deal that weapons salesmen like President !#&$! don’t like.

What the British, German, Dutch and Belgian marching masses were so alarmed about was NATO’s plan to destroy Europe in order to save it. Former West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt explained it this way: “So-called ‘flexible response’ …. means that the West … says to the Soviet Union: ‘We threaten you with a military defense strategy which foresees the early use of so-called tactical nuclear weapons.’ That means for the Germans that the West in its self-defense would destroy Germany.”

Schmidt’s description was no exaggeration. In an October 5, 2018 report by the Congressional Research Service, “flexible response” was explained similarly. “NATO’s strategy of ‘flexible response’… is designed,” the C.R.S. wrote, “to allow NATO to … be the first to use nuclear weapons in a conflict, with the intent of slowing or stopping [opponents] if they … advanced into Western Europe.”

Now, President !#&$! says he will withdraw from the INF treaty because he claims Russia is in violation of it. Russia denies this, noting that research and development is not banned, that its new land-based cruise missile “fully complies” with the treaty’s requirements.

These questions could all be settled with negotiations, but President !#&$! wants to get contracts for new missiles signed and the gusher of military spending pumping, so that electoral votes are bought and paid for this year, and in 2020. Last Feb. 12, the Prez boasted, “We’re increasing arsenals of virtually every weapon. If they’re not going to stop, we’re going to be so far ahead of anybody else in nuclear like you’ve never seen before.” Never mind that the president cannot speak English; he and Congress are handing hundreds of billions of your tax dollars to their friends.

• Boeing took down $14.6 billion for the year 2015, and last February, won a $6.5 billion contract from the Missile Defense Agency to complete an “a new missile field with 20 additional” ground-based interceptor rockets at Fort Greely, Alaska, according to the Washington Post. While missile defense systems have never worked, the Pentagon said the total Boeing contract would reach $12.6 billion through 2023. • Lockheed Martin, the world’s biggest arms merchant, is buried in money with $29.4 billion coming to it in 2015 under 66,000 contracts. • Raytheon was obligated to get $12.3 billion that year, including $31.8 million 464 Excalibur cannon-fired munitions that will also be sold to Sweden, Canada, Australia and the Netherlands. • General Dynamics drank up $11.8 billion building warships. • Northrop Grumman took down $9.5 billion, including the year’s portion of the (projected) $55 billion Long-Range Strike Bomber. • United Technologies nailed a cool $1 billion for a few more F-35 fighter jet engines, but was obligated to get $6.6 billion for its 24,000 contracts in 2015.

With the public demanding affordable health care, better public schools, energy efficient cars, mass transit, and safe energy production, weapons builders could instead be putting their engineering expertise to good use. Enough of our wartime frenzy of bomb-building waste and fraud may again move millions to demand a reversal.

Martin Schulz, leader of the German Social Democrats who campaigned against Angela Merkel last year, was being reasonable in September 2017 when he said, “As chancellor, I will commit Germany to having the nuclear weapons stationed here withdrawn from our country. The cap on nuclear weapons in our country must be zero.” — John LaForge

 

Filed Under: B61 Bombs in Europe, Direct Action, Military Spending, Nuclear Weapons, War, Weekly Column

September 7, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

US Nuclear Weapons Handouts Illegal

By John LaForge

The US military practice of placing nuclear weapons in five other countries (no other nuclear power does this) is a legal and political embarrassment for US diplomacy. That’s why all the governments involved refuse to “confirm or deny” the practice of “nuclear sharing” or the locations of the B61 free-fall gravity bombs in question.

Expert analysts and observers agree that the United States currently deploys 150-to-180 of these nuclear weapons at bases in Germany, Italy, The Netherlands, Turkey and Belgium. The authors of the January 2018 report “Building a Safe, Secure, and Credible NATO Nuclear Posture” take for granted the open secret that nuclear sharing is ongoing even though all six countries are signatory parties to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, or NPT.

In a paper for the journal Science for Democratic Action, the German weapons expert Otfried Nassauer, director of the Berlin Information Center for Transatlantic Security, concluded, “NATO’s program of ‘nuclear sharing’ with five European countries probably violates Articles I and II of the Treaty.”

Article I prohibits nuclear weapon states that are parties to the NPT from sharing their weapons with non-nuclear states. It says: “Each nuclear-weapon State Party to the Treaty undertakes not to transfer to any recipient whatsoever nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices or control over such weapons or explosive devices directly, or indirectly….”

Article II, the corollary commitment on the part of non-nuclear states says: “Each non-nuclear weapon State Party to the Treaty undertakes not to receive the transfer from any transferor whatsoever of nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices or of control over such weapons or explosive devices directly, or indirectly … or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices….”

What nuclear sharing means in practice

The five NATO countries currently hosting US H-bombs on their air bases are officially “non-nuclear weapons states.” But as Nassauer reports, “Under NATO nuclear sharing in times of war, the US would hand control of these nuclear weapons over to the non-nuclear weapon states’ pilots for use with aircraft from non-nuclear weapon states. Once the bomb is loaded aboard, once the correct Permissive Action Link code has been entered by the US soldiers guarding the weapons, and once the aircraft begins its mission, control over the respective weapon(s) has been transferred. That is the operational, technical part of what is called ‘nuclear sharing.’”

This flaunting of the NPT is what peace activists on both sides of the Atlantic refer to when calling the US bombs in Europe “illegal.” Nassauer notes, “The pilots for these aircraft are provided with training specific to use nuclear weapons. The air force units to which these pilots and aircraft belong have the capability to play a part in NATO nuclear planning, including assigning a target, selecting the yield of the warhead for the target, and planning a specific mission for the use of the bombs.”

“NATO nuclear sharing,” Nassauer writes, “was described in 1964 by one member of the US National Security Council … as meaning that ‘the non-nuclear NATO-partners in effect become nuclear powers in time of war.’ The concern is that, at the moment the aircraft loaded with the bomb is on the runway ready to start, the control of the weapon is turned over from the US, a nuclear weapon state, to non-nuclear weapon states. … To my understanding, this is in violation of the spirit if not the text of Articles I and II of the NPT.” [Emphasis added]

How Do the US and its Allies Explain their Lawlessness?

An undated, 1960s-era letter from then-US Secretary of State Rusk explained the US ‘interpretation’ of the NPT. The pretext for ignoring the treaty’s plain language, the Rusk letter “argues that the NPT does not specify what is allowed, but only what is forbidden. In this view, everything that is not forbidden by the NPT is allowed,” Nassaure explained.

In its most absurd section, Rusk simply denies the treaty’s obvious purpose and intent. “Since the treaty doesn’t explicitly talk about the deployment of nuclear warheads in countries that are non-nuclear weapon states,” Nassaure writes, “such deployments are considered legal under the NPT.”

It is so easy to show that the United States and its nuclear sharing partners are in violation of the NPT, the governments involved work hard pretending there are nothing to worry about, no lawbreaking underway, no reason to demand answers. This is why so many activists across Europe have become nonviolently disobedient at the air bases involved.

The transparent unlawfulness of NATO’s nuclear war planning is also the reason why prosecutors in Germany don’t dare bring serious charges against civil resisters; even those who have cut fences and occupied hot weapons bunkers in broad daylight. Some Air Force witness might testify at trial that US nuclear weapons are on base.

Filed Under: B61 Bombs in Europe, Nuclear Weapons, War, Weekly Column

July 11, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

German Campaigners See Progress in Confronting US Nuclear Weapons

Outside the main gate into Büchel Air Base, peace camp organizer Marion Küpker (center) gave “newcomers” an introduction to the nuclear weapons site and the 20-year history of protest there.
Summer Quarterly 2018

On March 26, nuclear abolitionists in Germany launched 20 weeks of nonviolent resistance at Büchel Air Base, continuing until August 9, 2018. The base controls 20 US nuclear bombs, a remnant of the US Cold War nuclear arsenal that used to number in the thousands.

The March start date is the anniversary of the bi-partisan approval in 2010 by the German Bundestag or Parliament to urge the government to permanently remove the remaining US bombs.

In spite of near unanimous German public opinion that the bombs should be permanently withdrawn (a 2016 poll showed that 89% of the German public is against the US nukes), German pilots are both trained and obligated to take off with these bombs in their Tornado jet fighter-bombers and—if the orders come from a US president through NATO—to use them on their targets.

Germany’s peace movement is the only one in Europe that has built a nation-wide campaign coalition of 50 groups and organizations—called “Büchel is everywhere—nuclear weapons-free now!”—focused on nuclear abolition. Its goals are the removal of the US bombs, cancellation of the B61-12 replacement bomb, and seeing the country ratify the new International Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. In the last few years, because of increased military hostility toward Russia, and NATO discussion of “usable low-yield” nuclear weapons, the Campaign Council has endorsed nonviolent civil resistance at the Büchel Air Base to bring more attention to the issue. Besides lobby work to halt the B61 replacement, the council increases awareness and political pressure using nonviolent direct action.

Last February 3rd, German Social Democratic Party members of the European Parliament met in a regional conference and unanimously approved a motion to withdraw all remaining US nuclear weapons from Germany. At the SDP’s regional association convention in Rhineland, EP member Norbert Neuser issued a letter to members that said in part, “I know that this initiative does not necessarily meet the goodwill of the party in Berlin, but I agree absolutely with the compliant by [former SDP leader] Martin Schulz who made in the [2017] election campaign a clear call for the abolition of the last nuclear weapons from Germany.”

B61-12 Cancellation Bills to Support
Warheads discussing bombs. A congressional hearing room with a mock-up of a new B61-12 hydrogen bomb being developed as a $10-$13 billion make-work program to needlessly replace earlier models.

Parallel House and Senate bills that would prohibit spending on new and so-called “smaller” nuclear weapons including the B61-12 are under consideration in congress. The bills are H.R. 2668, the “Smarter Approach to Nuclear Expenditures Act” introduced by Rep. Earl Blumenauer, D-Oregon, and S. 1235 its tandem measure in the senate. While far from the global rejection of nuclear weapons embodied in the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, the bills would halt spending for the new B61 gravity bomb; adding nuclear weapons carrying capability to the R-35 Joint Strike Fighter jet; any new air-launched Cruise missile (known as Long Range Stand-Off); and any replacement of today’s 450 intercontinental ballistic missiles like the proposed $100 billion “Ground Based Strategic Deterrent.” Call your Congressional Rep’s and Senators and urge their support and co-sponsorship of these bills.

Germany’s Bank to Divest from Nuclear Weapons

Expanding its investment restrictions, Deutsche Bank, Germany’s largest, has agreed to exclude nuclear weapons producers. A statement on its website announced: “The policy published today makes clear that Deutsche Bank avoids entering into, or continuing, any kind of business relationship with entities with clear, direct links to the following types of controversial weapons business: Cluster Munitions; Anti-Personnel Mines; Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear Weapons; Controversial Conventional Weapons.” Maaike Beenens, with the group Don’t Bank on the Bomb, welcomes the new policy by Deutsche Bank, saying “With the new policy, Deutsche Bank clearly recognizes that investments in any type of nuclear weapons companies are unacceptable. With growing threats to use nuclear weapons, this announcement is a timely reminder of the choice we all face—nuclear weapons or our collective future. We welcome this decision, and hope to see divestment by Deutsche Bank from all nuclear weapon producers.” The move follows intense pressure and negotiations by campaigners from Don’t Bank on the Bomb and ICAN Germany, who will be watching closely to see that the bank follows through with divestment.

Second US Delegation to Join International Peace Actions at Germany’s Deployment Site for US H-Bombs

The German-wide campaign “Büchel  is Everywhere: Nuclear Weapons-free Now!” demands: 1) that the remaining 20 US H-bombs at Büchel be sent home permanently; 2) that they not be replaced with new bombs as the US intends, and 3) that Germany ratify the new nuclear weapons ban treaty. A delegation from the United States coordinated by Nukewatch will join “International Week” at the Büchel peace camp, July 10-18. For  info. visit the websites buechel-atombombenfrei.de, where you can endorse the campaign by signing a “Declaration of Solidarity.”

Filed Under: B61 Bombs in Europe, Direct Action, Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, US Bombs Out of Germany

April 2, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

German Foreign Minister Calls for Ouster of US Nukes from Germany

By John LaForge
Spring Quarterly 2018

In a diplomatic break with its US and NATO colleagues, Germany’s Foreign Office on Feb. 4th issued a scathing critique of the Trump Administration’s Nuclear Posture Review one day after it was released. Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel said in a prepared statement: “The US Administration’s decision to develop new tactical nuclear weapons shows that the spiral of a new nuclear arms race has already been set in motion. As at the time of the Cold War, we in Europe are particularly at risk. For this reason, we in Europe in particular must launch new arms control and disarmament initiatives. …

“The mutually accelerating development of new nuclear weapons must be viewed with concern, as it sends the wrong message…. However, the solution must not be to simply join the nuclear arms race.

“The current arms control treaties must therefore be upheld as a matter of urgency. We need new disarmament initiatives rather than new arms systems.”

Last Aug. 22, Martin Schulz, during his unsuccessful campaign as the Social Democrat candidate for Chancellor, called for the ouster of US weapons. Worldwide media reported that, “German rival of Chancellor [Angela] Merkel vows to remove US nuclear weapons from the country.” The Los Angeles Times noted that Schulz said at a campaign rally, “As chancellor, I’d push for the ejection of nuclear weapons stored in Germany.”

Then Aug. 29, Foreign Minister Gabriel, shocked a Washington, DC press conference with US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson by endorsing Schulz’s call for ridding Germany of US bombs. Gabriel bluntly said, “I agree with Mr. Schulz’s point that we need to get rid of the nuclear weapons that are in our country.”

Filed Under: B61 Bombs in Europe, Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, US Bombs Out of Germany

February 6, 2018 by Nukewatch 1 Comment

US NUCLEAR WAR PLAN or “NUCLEAR POSTURE REVIEW” 2018

The “Nuclear Posture Review” is the sterile, abstract, ambiguous, euphemistic government explanation of its plans to commit indiscriminate mass slaughter of civlians using nuclear weapons. The Feb. 2, 2018 is the newest since 2010. Photo: Peter Sellers as “Dr. Strangelove.”

HERE IS THE US GOVERNMENT’S 2018 NUCLEAR WEAPONS POLICY and LANGUAGE ON USING NUCLEAR WEAPONS KNOWN AS THE “NUCLEAR POSTURE REVIEW” 

 

 

Filed Under: B61 Bombs in Europe, Military Spending, North Korea, Nuclear Weapons Tagged With: B61 gravity bombs, deterrence, Euro weapons, ICBMs, nuclear, nuclear submarines, nuclear weapons, Pentagon, war, weapons testing

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