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December 14, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Parting the Silk Curtain of Privilege

Through the Prism of Nonviolence
Nukewatch Quarterly Winter 2015-2016
By John Heid 

It is hard to face this. But all our phrasing—race relations, racial chasm, racial justice, racial profiling, white privilege, even white supremacy—serves to obscure that racism is a visceral experience, that it dislodges brains, blocks airways, rips muscles, extracts organs, cracks bones, breaks teeth. You must never look away from this. 

—Ta-Nehisi Coates, Between The World And Me 

“Don’t all lives matter?” yelled an off-duty police officer to me over the din of idling traffic. He was stopped at a red light during rush hour in downtown Tucson where I and other members of Stand Up For Racial Justice were holding signs that read “Black Lives Matter.” I hollered back “Of course they do; no one here is saying they don’t…” Then the light turned green and he drove off leaving me in a fog of exhaust and frustration. He was not the only commuter that evening to shout out that hollow query. These drive-by moments are more theatrical than productive. The matters at hand can hardly be addressed by volleying sound bites and clichés. I understand. Just a few months earlier I was asking aloud the very same query: “Don’t all lives matter?”

For years I believed that I was pretty well attuned to racial injustice despite the efforts of some who sought to disabuse me of my self-assuredness. I considered myself to be a nonviolent activist as if that moniker somehow granted me automatic immunity from the social disease of racism. How could I be so flagrantly presumptuous? Privilege! It is as soft and seductive as silk, and nearly as impenetrable as teflon-coated chain mail armor.

In the mid-1960s my mother took my brothers and I to civil rights marches. She preached that all people are equal in the eyes of God. She spoke with admiration of Martin Luther King, Jr. Mom introduced me to John Howard Griffin’s best selling book Black Like Me. When I was 14, I went to a lecture Mr. Griffin gave and came out dizzy. How could the lives of black and white people be so different? How did I mange to ignore my childhood observations of people of color sitting in the back of the city bus while whites sat in the front? In my hometown, Erie, Penn., at 15, I went to hear Dick Gregory. How clearly I remember being puzzled. Why was this man so angry?

Any exposure I had to race relations during my adolescence was extracurricular. Nothing in my classroom textbooks ever invited me to explore, let alone challenge, the dominant cultural assumptions about race. The only book in my school desk that mentioned the word “privilege” was the dictionary.

In jails across the country from the mid-1980s on, I shared cells with many men of color. Some shared their stories. Their road to incarceration, their life’s journey, was categorically different than mine. I presumed we were in the same predicament—incarceration—but I was wrong. Their consequence was my choice. Our lives’ trajectories were not the same, even as we shared the same address. I now recall Malcolm X’s quote: “If you’re black, you were born in jail.” The guys were patient with me. I was a captive student, they my professors. In fits and starts I was learning on the job, or rather, I was un-learning.

Throughout the 1990s I attended lectures by Dr. Cornell West, Diane Nash, Angela Davis, and Jim Lawson. I read Audre Lourde, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Edward P. Jones, author of The Known World among others. Dr. West’s seminal work Race Matters stopped me in my tracks. Gradually, our understanding moves from the cerebral to the visceral. The entrenched edifice of privilege erodes much like a stone under drops of water. Now comes the latest drop, Ta-Neshi Coates and his short, powerful book, Between The World And Me. These writers and activists have been like bridges across the great divide of privilege; they invite me to cross over and examine my own journey, as much than theirs. What stereotypes do I carry deep within? How do I come to see the mirage of my cultural endowed privilege for what it is? And furthermore, how can I begin to transform the destructive consequences of this privilege into constructive ones?

The road comes without a map or dictionary. I stumble over terms, let alone ideas. What does Ta-Nehisi Coates mean when he writes: “But race is the child of racism, not the father. And the process of naming ‘the people’ has never been a matter of genealogy and physiognomy so much as one of hierarchy.”

What I write is not so much a confession as my acknowledgment of a reality that has been palpably evident to my friends of color—for years. Now, step by step, I’m coming out. I don’t feel guilty so much as liberated, or at least walking on the rocky road to something more real, more human than what my Eurocentric culture has taught and that I had bought hook, line and sinker these many years.

Frederick Douglass wrote: “Power concedes nothing without a demand.” I would add: Nor does the privilege that undergirds it. I now believe that for our nonviolence to be authentic and consistent we must work to dismantle systemic and personal privilege in its myriad and insidious forms—starting within ourselves. Black lives matter.

—John Heid lives and works at the Casa Mariposa Community in Tucson, Arizona.

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Through the Prism of Nonviolence, Uncategorized

October 15, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Reflections of Bolivia

Nukewatch Quarterly Fall 2015
Through the Prism of Nonviolence
 By John Heid

High in the Bolivian Andes lies Al Salar De Uyuni, a region of vast, snow-white salt flats as far as the eye can see. The prevailing sound there is the hush of wind sweeping across the treeless expanse. And too there is a silence so palpable one can almost touch it. The rain-soaked salt plateau mirrors the clouds. The horizon vanishes. Earth and sky are one. Seamless. Euclidean geometry is out the window. The world as I have known it turned upside down in Al Salar. I felt as though I was walking in the sky, ungrounded, between spaces—surrounded by wonder yet out of place. It was at once an exhilarating and unsettling feeling, an apt metaphor for my time in Bolivia.

For reasons still unclear to me, I have felt drawn to the Andes for decades. When given the opportunity to study Spanish at the Maryknoll Mission Center’s Language Institute, I leapt. I wanted to be immersed in this mountain civilization—so outside my familiar environs. I knew Bolivia still had a vibrant indigenous culture. I knew of its socialist-style government and that it is not a particularly popular tourist destination for most US citizens. These were selling points. So with a backpack of clothing, Spanish grammar books and immeasurable privilege I went to learn. I had no idea what I was getting into.

For three months I lived with a Bolivian family in Cochabamba, known as the city of eternal spring. The valley of Cochabamba, at nearly 9,000 feet, is situated between the hot, humid jungle of the Beni and the frigid, arid altiplano, the Andean plateau. In Cochabamba I felt like Alice in Wonderland. Plants that are potted in the US, like poinsettias and hibiscus, are full size trees that line many of the city’s streets. Something colorful was always in bloom.

Cochabamba came into the international limelight in 2000 during what became known as the Water War. Under pressure from the World Bank, the Bolivian government rescinded the existing water rights laws and privatized the utility. Then the administration negotiated a contract with the predatorial international conglomerate, Bechtel, to sell the water. Rates rose 300 percent. No source of water was exempt, not even rainfall.

Bechtel tried to charge people for the rain they gathered in pails. In a unique moment of rural and urban solidarity the various classes and sectors of Cochabamban society resisted. Streets were blocked. Business as usual came to a screeching halt. Among the protest banners one stood out: “¡El Agua Es Nuestra, Carajo!” “The Water is ours, damn it!” Months of vigorous public protest ultimately forced the government to break the contract. Oscar Olivera, one of the movement’s primary organizers, told me: “The struggle was about more than just water, it was about our peoples’ fundamental right to make their own decisions.”

Although I was in a classroom for 12 weeks, the real lessons were on the streets, in the markets, city parks, and on the trufis (a major form of public transportation.) History, like the water wars, went well beyond grammar books tutoring me in the nature of this predominantly indigenous society. This immersion was as rich and disorienting as the Al Salar.

For me, Bolivia is a country of vast contrasts beginning with its geography. There are steamy jungles, and the altiplano with its year-round snow and dizzying elevation. Indigenous women in their black bowler hats and colorful traditional polleras walk alongside women dressed in fitted blue jeans and power suits—both often held cell phones. High-walled residences characterize the cities, while vast areas of the country are sublime fields of rose and saffron colored quinoa plants.

The air quality of Cochabamba rivals the worst in the hemisphere, and there are four days a year where the streets are closed to all forms of motorized traffic, except emergency vehicles. These Dias del Peatóns, designed to raise environmental awareness, transform the city’s streets into a world of informal parades as families walk to city parks to picnic and to ball parks to play soccer—traditional indigenous culture alongside contemporary.

Bolivian society has witnessed enormous transformation over the past decade with election of a socialist-style government. Constitutional reforms have removed many of the once legal racist barriers that European colonization imported. Yet human rights activists point out that there still is no access to public water in Cochabamba’s poorest areas while in upscale neighborhoods residents fill their swimming pools. Class inequity persists despite the success of the Water War 15 years ago. Bolivia was a stark reminder of the challenges every society faces in terms of providing and protecting basic human rights and services for all its members, regardless of the form of government in place.

The country shared something of its heart with me by way of the Spanish language. Still there are much deeper lessons to be learned, a practice that would require studying Quechua and Amyara, two of the country’s most-used indigenous languages.

Bolivia has two official flags: One is the familiar tri-colored banner with the National Coat of Arms at center; the other is the Wiphala, the indigenous flag. The rainbow-colored Wiphala was given its official designation in 2009 by way of a revision of the national constitution. The two fly side-by-side. This powerful symbolic gesture epitomizes, for me, the vision and challenge of a multicultural, plurinational people. Two flags, one people. I was deeply privileged to be a brief spectator in this odyssey of transformation.

—John Heid lives and works at the Casa Mariposa Community in Tucson, Arizona. 

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Through the Prism of Nonviolence

January 15, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Where to Stand: Sophie Scholl and the White Rose

Nukewatch Quarterly Winter 2014
By John Heid 
Through the Prism of Nonviolence

“Rip off the cloak of indifference you have placed on your hearts. Decide—before it is too late!”

—The White Rose, Fifth Leaflet

“… every individual has to consciously accept responsibility as a member of Western and Christian civilization… Adopt passive resistance, wherever you are, block the functioning of this atheistic war machine before it is too late…”

—The White Rose, First Leaflet

“The White Rose Foundation not only poses the question ‘What was it like?’ But ‘What does it mean today?’”

—The White Rose Foundation

I never ever imagined being in the Atrium of Munich University. Yet, there I stood absorbing a palpable silence that filled the spacious hall from its stone floor to its vaulted ceiling. The stillness of early morning was occasionally broken by the cadenced beat of the shoes of passers-by on their way to work. The echoes scarcely interrupted a solemn sense of history pendulous in the room. It was in this grand hall that Sophie and Hans Scholl distributed hundreds of anti-fascist leaflets on the morning of Thursday, Feb. 18, 1943. Sophie scattered her last few from the railing of the uppermost tier and watched them flutter to the center of the atrium floor. Then from a tier below came the cry of a vigilant custodian in the pay of the Gestapo: “You’re under arrest.”

I climbed slowly to the third tier and stood precisely where Sophie did when she set free those last leaflets. Her very last. I was freeze-framed in the moment. Stock still. From the souls of my feet to the center of my skull fear welled up like flames. Time suspended. Then, rapid fire, came the questions: What brought Sophie to this point? Did she really understand the risks? Why so public an act? Did she believe this would awaken the comatose soul of Germany? What was she thinking? Riveted in the moment, I reflected on risks I’ve taken in the name of conscience. While I stood physically where Sophie once did, I’ve never stood anywhere near where Sophie did that morning decades ago. Never.

Later in the day my friend Barbara Fredmuller guided me to the Palace of Justice. Here on the morning of Feb. 22, Sophie, her brother Hans and their friend, Christopher Probst were charged with aiding and abetting the enemy and committing acts of high treason. The three were tried, convicted and sentenced to death in secret in a matter of hours. Throughout the proceedings the trio remained calm. At one point Sophie interrupted the judge saying: “Somebody after all, had to make a start. What we wrote and said is also believed by many others. They just don’t dare to express themselves as we did.” Hans warned the judge, “You will soon stand where we stand now!” Before sunset the three were executed in Stadelheim prison. Hans’ last words: “Long live freedom!”

The White Rose, a student-led group of activists, began operating covertly in Munich, the capital city of the Nazi movement, in June of 1942 with the distribution of the first of six leaflets. Origins of the group’s name are somewhat ambiguous.

“The choice of the name White Rose is still obscure although it was obviously intended to represent purity and innocence in the face of evil; it is a poetic or artistic symbol rather than a political one.” (Sophie Scholl and the White Rose, by Dumbach and Newborn, Oneworld Publications, 2007)

The small circle formed around an acute passion to arouse their countrymen and women to action saying: “We will not be silent. We are your bad conscience.” Many in the academic community were simply laying low, trying to wait out the Nazi regime and hoping that the Allies would triumph. The institutional churches largely acquiesced. The conscience of mainstream society was locked down. This is not to say there were not notable acts of resistance. Thousands of Germans were summarily executed for political activism, many of their stories lost to history. Somehow the White Rose gained notoriety, though not immediately. For decades after the war it was taboo to mention them or any resistance groups. Charges against the White Rose were not formally dropped by the German government until the 1980s.

In addition to leaflets, the group painted political statements on public walls by night and encouraged passive resistance, including sabotage. The group’s Third Leaflet said in part, “…sabotage the armament industries, sabotage every assembly, rally, ceremony, and organization sponsored by the National Socialist Party… sabotage every scientific and intellectual field involved in continuing this war—whether it be universities, technical colleges, laboratories, research stations or technical agencies.”

In all, 29 members of the White Rose were convicted of crimes against the state. Thirteen were executed; the rest were sentenced to between one and 10 years in prison.

Seventy-one years have passed since Sophie Scholl scattered her last leaflets in the Atrium. She is gone. Only her bronzed bust and a plaque remain in that august hall. The leaflets were confiscated by the Gestapo. The Third Reich was eventually vanquished. The White Rose participants were martyred.

There is no need for me to tarry any longer in that Atrium. The spirit that animated Sophie and the White Rose has passed beyond there, and I too must move beyond that moment. That spirit is not one to be relegated to history books. The leaflets speak beyond the early 1940s and Nazi Germany. Their voices call out beyond the grave. What in our world today summons conscience, courage, and commitment? Where am I standing today? What am I standing up for, if I’m standing at all?

Sophie’s exhortation echoes more profoundly than the footsteps on the Atrium’s stone floor, even louder than the leaflets themselves. Her summons is as fresh as the sprig of white rose Barbara and I found beside Sophie’s grave: “Stand up for what you believe in even if you are standing alone.”

—John Heid writes Through the Prism of Nonviolence from his home in Tucson’s Mariposa Community. John’s photo below is of tile replications of White Rose leaflets set in Munich University’s walkway.

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Through the Prism of Nonviolence

October 10, 2014 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

The Physics of Domination and Compassion  

Nukewatch Quarterly Fall 2014
By John Heid
Through the Prism of Nonviolence

For every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction. — Newton’s Third Law

The US-Mexico border is una herida abierta where the Third World grates against the First and bleeds. A 1,950 mile-long open wound dividing a pueblo, a culture running down the length of my body, staking fence rods in my flesh, splits me… splits me…. — Gloria Anzaldua, Borderlands 

“The border wall tells us Mexicans you are scared of us. But what does your wall tell you about yourselves?” This from my conversation with an unidentified Mexican man in Nogales, Sonora.

At first the phone calls from the ticket clerk at the Tucson Greyhound bus station came about once a week. The conversation was simple: “Do you have room for a mother and her children tonight? Their ticket hasn’t come in yet.”

“Yes, we do.” The bus station closes nightly. That was over two and a half years ago. Gradually the number of requests increased. Most of the families were Guatemalan. All were indigenous. Every family had relatives in the US. All had come across the desert. Their stories were nearly identical. Rampant violence, death threats and extreme poverty had forced a choice: flee or perish.

One Saturday night last September a dam, of sorts, broke. The bus station clerk, Juan, called frantically saying he had 19 people who needed a place for the night. From then on the number of Central American refugees coming through our doors was consistently high. Night after night we heard the familiar story with different names.

Guatemalan society is being ripped apart at the seams. Late in the night I could hear the women talking across the hall in their native K’iche and Mam. Melodic languages filled the bedrooms of our small community, Casa Mariposa. In the past year, over 2,500 guests came through our doors; another 3,500 or so were offered food, clothing and comfort at the Greyhound station as they awaited their bus. A veritable flood of humanity. A contemporary exodus.

As this unprecedented displacement began to attract media attention, so did the random gestures of support. Our phone rang all hours of the day and night. Local women and children would show up at our door with bags of clothing, food, coloring books, diapers, whatever. We’d often wake to find boxes of toiletries and sundry items left anonymously on our front porch overnight. Others called to say they had space in their home to host a family. A construction worker called from Chicago offering to come down to Tucson and build houses for these families. Tucson witnessed its own kind of surge — a surge of compassion.

Before long the analysts and spin doctors pronounced the causes of the surge with nauseating monotony and finality: Poverty and violence. End of sentence; end of discussion. Yet the gristmill of poverty and violence is merely a symptom of a deeper phenomenon: the physics of domination. When digging deep to find its source, we will discover its gnarly roots in the dynamics of unequal economic, political and power relationships. Income disparity indeed.

Rarely mentioned in mainstream media is the history of strong US support for violent regimes in Guatemala and El Salvador. Throughout the 1980s and ‘90s, the US poured over $1 million of military aid every day into El Salvador alone, a place where 85% of the war crimes were attributed to the government. Over 100,000 civilians were killed. Guatemala’s story was similar during those years. In 2009, the US supported a coup in Honduras which deposed the democratically elected President Manuel Zelaya and led to an epidemic of violence against civilians. Honduras now has the highest per capita homicide rate in the world. Is it coincidental then that of the tens of thousands of children and families coming into the US this year 28% are Honduran, 24% Guatemalan, and 21% El Salvadoran? Nicaragua is the poorest country in the region, yet only 194 of the 63,000 unaccompanied children who entered the US this year are Nicaraguan. Poverty is volatile. Violence trumps.

Also, rarely mentioned by commercial news media is the devastating impact of international trade agreements on the village economies of Central American nations. After two decades, the tourniquet of the North American Free Trade Agreement and its structural adjustments has finally gotten a choke hold on the hemisphere’s most vulnerable populations. This impoverished environment has been fertile ground for recruitment by cartels, thus exacerbating the cycle of violence and justifying the infusion of even more US arms into the region. I never heard any of the hundreds of families coming through our doors talk about coming north in pursuit of the fabled American dream. I only heard stories of people in flight for their lives. Survival.

Yet, this “urgent humanitarian crisis,” as the President called it, is not acknowledged as a refugee crisis, but rather just another twist on northern migration for upward economic mobility. Children and families are treated as criminals, not refugees. Detention centers for youth were opened on three military bases. A detention facility for families was reopened in New Mexico, with more planned. Thus, incarceration of refugees and persons without status is normalized. The National Guard was mobilized in Texas. Governors from Maine to Arizona decried children coming to their state. Calls for even more border enforcement were raised. Vigorous efforts were made to rollback legal protection for vulnerable children under the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act — which passed both Houses of Congress unanimously and became law in 2008.

Scant, scattered attention, let alone analysis, is given in the circles of power to the causes and conditions of the current movement of people into the US. In classic blame-the-victim reaction, young people become the scapegoat, with children, not the border, seen as the problem.

There is an open wound. It’s source is the clash of power and identity. Whose identity crisis is this? Not the Central Americans’. Refugees know exactly where they stand and why. It is our crisis and it has two faces: one, the humanitarian; the other, the wall. The earlier question echoes in the back of my mind: who does that wall tell us we are? Who does it say I am?

In my darkest moments I have found comfort in recalling the soft song-like cadence of the Guatemalan women talking that night in our home. They have a passion and a hope that nurtures mine. I am heartened too by the likes of that fella from Chicago, whoever he is, who roused me out of bed early one morning to say, “I’m coming down to help build homes for these families.” He and the women have the kind of fiber and spirit that can and will change the world. That’s some place to stand. May we all be there one day — together.

— John Heid lives and works at the Casa Mariposa in Tucson, Arizona.

 

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Through the Prism of Nonviolence

July 18, 2014 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Standing Together in the Constitution-Free Zone

Through the Prism of Nonviolence: 
Nukewatch Quarterly Summer 2014
By John Heid

“You have no rights here!” barked a US Border Patrol agent to a resident of Arivaca, Arizona, who was passing through a Customs and Border Protection checkpoint 23 miles north of the US-Mexico border. The remark confirms a sense of violation that many borderland residents feel when encountering one of the 71 permanent or tactical checkpoints scattered across the Southwest. Condoned by the US Supreme Court over 40 years ago, the intended purpose of these off-border sites was for brief stops verifying residence status. The checkpoints were to be situated within a reasonable distance of the border — 100 miles from any external boundary. Today the total area encompassing these borderlands holds almost two-thirds of the US population. People in the Southwest call this region the “constitution-free zone.”

Arivaca, a community of roughly 700 people, is situated 11 miles north of the US-Mexico border and within 30 miles of three Border Patrol checkpoints. There is no way to leave the town without passing through one. Arivaca was established during the silver mining rush of the mid-to-late 1800s. Today its population is a multicultural mix of cattle ranchers, artists, retirees — many of them school teachers — and local service workers. With a general store, one bar, one Catholic and one Baptist church, a coffee shop, a public library, a handful of small businesses and a post office, Arivaca is quintessential bucolic small town USA.

Today, however, Arivaca finds itself in the heart of a migration corridor as a result of US border enforcement policy which has funneled migrant-travelers into harsher, more remote desert terrain. Over the last 20 years, residents have witnessed the human toll of this policy. Now, finding the bodies of deceased migrants in the arroyos around town is not rare. Residents have also seen a marked increase in the number of people walking around and through town. Usually these travelers are exhausted and hungry, and many are in urgent need of medical care.

While Arivacans do not necessarily agree about immigration policy, the common response to migrants has been to offer food and water as they pass through. However, the militarization of their community in response to the flow of migrants has caused some resentment. The influx of Border Patrol agents — with their helicopters, drones, surveillance towers, ground sensors and check points — has substantially altered the lives of every Arivacan. Many say they do not feel safer for this intrusion into their lives. In fact, people feel less secure. Arivacans say they are living in a war zone.

Two years ago a handful of community members came together to share their reactions to the militarization foisted upon them. A grassroots organization formed, called “People Helping People.” Their mantra: “People helping people in the border zone, restoring peace and justice in the borderlands.” The group soon opened a volunteer-staffed Humanitarian Aid Office on main street, across from the general store and bar. Residents now had a place to gather and share stories and ideas as well as to offer aid to those traveling through.

As people listened to one another they discovered a common sense of the negative impact the Border Patrol’s presence was having on their daily lives. Check points became a focus. Many have experienced harassment, racial profiling and unwarranted queries and searches by agents at the check points. They noted the loss of business in town and a decline in real estate values. They realized that their beloved community, Arivaca, once a popular tourist attraction, had come to be perceived as a dangerous place to visit. After all, people have to cross through a Border Patrol checkpoint to enter town from any direction.

Conversation led to action. Last July, a campaign focusing on the most heavily used check point began to take shape. After extensive meetings the group initiated a petition to close the seven-year-old “temporary”checkpoint. Over a third of the community signed on, including eleven local small business owners. Hundreds of signatures were also received from people who live in the wider region.

On December 8, 2013, Border Patrol Sector Chief Manuel Padilla, Jr., was invited to receive the petitions at the check point. When residents arrived they did not find Mr. Padilla, but rather a closed check point. A lively “family friendly” rally ensued. Arivacans celebrated a brief moment of an interrogation-free highway to their homes — and, as importantly, their recovery of some measure of voice in their community’s and their own lives. The posters that day dramatized Arivaca’s spirit: “Check Points Divide Us,” “Do You Feel Safer?” “Make checkpoints a thing of the past.” Another asked simply: “Has any checkpoint, anywhere, made this a better world?” “People Helping People” was on the move.

Next, residents requested a meeting with Mr. Padilla within 30 days to address their concerns. When a month passed without reply, a vigil was held at the Border Patrol headquarters in Tucson to announce the establishment of a citizen monitoring of the check point to document harassment and violation of rights. Within weeks Mr. Padilla responded saying the old check point would remain open. Period.

On February 26 the inaugural observation of the check point began. Three dozen residents and supporters turned out — and at least as many Border Patrol agents and sheriff’s deputies. Six Arivacans took their positions with cameras and clip boards in hand. The lines of creative tension were drawn. While arrests were threatened, none occurred. The community held forth, and it plans to continue the monitoring until the check point is closed.

The long-term vision is an end to all suffering and death in the desert, an end to all border militarization, a humane immigration policy and a restoration of authentic security to Arivaca and the entire borderland, for residents and visitors alike. After all, “Our Communities Are Not War Zones!”

— John Heid lives and works at the Casa Mariposa Community in Tucson, Arizona.

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Through the Prism of Nonviolence

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