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July 6, 2019 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Refusing to Report on Church Rock, “the worst incident of radiation contamination in the history of the United States”

Nukewatch Quarterly Summer 2019
By Mark L. Taylor, Special to Nukewatch

Editor’s note: In New Mexico, the Church Rock Spill of July 16, 1979 has been called “the worst incident of radiation contamination in the history of the United States.” Catherine Caufield in “Multiple Exposures,” and Harvey Wasserman and Norman Solomon in “Killing Our Own,” reported that when the earthen dam holding radioactive uranium mine tailings burst, it released 93 million gallons of liquid wastes and more than 1,100 tons of solid wastes. “The wall of water backed up sewers and lifted manhole covers in Gallup, 20 miles downstream … and carried toxic metals … at least 70 miles downstream. … it left residues of radioactive uranium, thorium, magnesium, manganese, molybdenum, nickel, selenium, sodium, vanadium, zinc, iron, lead and high concentrations of sulfates.”

The 32nd anniversary of the Church Rock spill was observed July 16, 2011 with an awareness march starting from the site of the spill, 20 miles upstream from Gallop, New Mexico. Navajo Times photo by Paul Natonabah.

In 1978, I was a few years out of college when I stumbled into a job as the editorial cartoonist for The Albuquerque Tribune, which was part of the once legendary Scripps Howard chain of papers. At its founding in 1878 by E.W. Scripps, the company was a feisty force for progressive reform. By the late 1970’s, not so much.

Before loading up the U-Haul and heading off to the southwest an uncle of mine from San Antonio sat me down to make sure I understood just what the newspaper business was all about. Uncle Gary, a former journalist, was a very successful newspaper consultant and broker.

Full of dreams and inspired by the legacy of Scripps Howard’s most famous journalist, World War II combat reporter Ernie Pyle, I was eyeing my new career with a reformer’s heart.

“Yeah, so all that stuff about covering the news and getting to the truth is important, but never forget this,” uncle Gary said. “Bottom line, it is always a business and a business is about making money.”

“Yeah, I know that,” I said aloud, while inside thinking, “But journalism is a different kind of business.”

I settled into my new job with the passion of a religious convert, cranking out editorial cartoons and illustrations, and reading all I could about New Mexico, which one colleague described to me as, “Being as close as you can get to living in the Third World and still be in the United States.”

Where E.W. Scripps had once warned cub reporters about never trusting an editor who belonged to a country club, the corporation now not only provided the editor Ralph Looney with a membership to the most established country club in the city, but also a membership to the swanky Petroleum Club, perched atop one of the city’s tallest bank buildings.

Editor Ralph regularly went to luncheons at the Petroleum Club and would casually mention how he had enjoyed yet another lovely dinner at the club with this or that banker, oil company executive, or big wig with one of the nuclear labs.

On July 16, 1979 any lingering illusions I had about corporate media were sandpapered out of me. Reports were coming in regarding a massive flood of liquid radioactive waste from a breached uranium mine tailings evaporation pond. A “state of the art” earthen dam had collapsed and a veritable avalanche of radioactive sludge, heavy metals, acids and other toxins was roaring down the Little Puerco River (Rio Puerco), right through the heart of the Navajo Nation.

The Rio Puerco is a tributary of the Little Colorado River, which runs to the Colorado River, which feeds Lake Mead—a source of drinking water for Los Angeles.

Initial reports of what came to be known as the Church Rock Spill were fragmentary, but details were coming in about millions of gallons of toxic radioactive liquid waste gushing into the Rio Puerco; a virtual tsunami of nuclear industry poison. There were reports of sheep along the banks dropping dead and people falling ill. But, of course, far out on the “rez’” all of that was “out of sight.”

I was tracking the scraps of information coming across the news wire. A friend at United Press International phoned me tidbits he was hearing. I was worked up about the story but the news editors were coolly dismissive. Of course, if the same thing were happening to the Rio Grande flowing through Albuquerque I had no doubt the news room would have jumped into action.

I went to Editor Looney. Surely an old news hound like him could see the importance of what was happening out on the Navajo land. This was a big story, just what newspapers are meant to cover. He knew Navajo elders and artists in Santa Fe, so surely, he would do something.

But Editor Ralph took me into his office and shut the door. A small, portly man, he had to hunch forward on his elbows with his hands clasped before him on the cluttered desktop. He sighed and gazed unblinkingly at me. Then he cleared his throat and said quietly, calmly, “Mark, you have to understand, the nuclear industry built New Mexico. We will not be covering that story.” And, with the exception of a few follow-up wire stories buried in the back end of the paper, we didn’t.

By the time the dam was patched up, between 93 and 100 million gallons had gushed downstream, along with 1,100 tons of radioactive waste, sludge, acids and heavy metals including arsenic, uranium, thorium, radium, polonium, cadmium, and molybdenum. Due to the rugged, remote landscape, much of the clean-up had to be done by crews with shovels, rakes, buckets and wheelbarrows. Pockets of remaining radioactive waste dotted the dry landscape waiting to be moved along in the next downpour or blown about in the wind. Later studies found the toxic brew had seeped as much as 30 feet into the alluvial soils and groundwater. The rate of illness and death went up for those living along the Rio Puerco.

The Navajo Nation Tribal Government asked then governor Bruce King to seek federal assistance to clean up the colossal radioactive mess. King rejected the request. Again, the Albuquerque Tribune had other stories to cover.

Three years after the disaster, United Nuclear Corporation closed up operations and walked away. Now 40 years on, I know that the corporate media is still not to be trusted when it comes to covering the nuclear, or any other area of the energy industry.

As E.W. Scripps once wrote:

The press of this country is now and always has been so thoroughly dominated by the wealthy few of the country that it cannot be depended upon to give the great mass of the people the correct information concerning political, economic, and social subjects which it is necessary that the mass of people shall have, in order that they shall vote and in all ways act in the best way to protect themselves from the brutal force and chicanery of the ruling and employing class.

But that was a long time ago.

—Mark Taylor is an independent illustrator and cartoonist.

For more on the Church Rock spill see Radiation’s and Colonialism’s Permanent Stamp on New Mexico.

Filed Under: Environmental Justice, Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Radioactive Waste, Uncategorized

July 6, 2019 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Is the US Military A Rape Culture?

Nukewatch Quarterly Summer 2019

There were 20,500 instances of sexual assault in the US military in 2018, and a 50% increase in assaults against women in uniform since 2016, the Pentagon reports. One of two annual reports on Sexual Assault in the Military noted a 38% overall increase in what it called “unwanted sexual contact” since the 2016 survey, and it found that women endure 63% of the assaults, although they make up only 20% of military personnel. One in 16 women reported being sexually assaulted, compared to one in 100 men. The 2019 survey interviewed 100,000 active-duty men and women in the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines. The Marine Corps had a far higher rate of assaults on women, with one in 10 reporting assault, two times the rate in the Air Force and the Army. In April 2018, Marine Corps Brig. Gen. Kurt Stein was suspended for publicly joking about sexual harassment at his command, calling allegations “fake news.” Representative Jackie Speier, D-Calif. told the New York Times, “We’ve thrown about $200 million at this problem for eight years, and this report suggests it’s not working.” The other report surveyed the military’s officer training academies, and found likewise that sexual assaults rose by 50% over all since 2016. In Minnesota last April, a first-ever tally of sexual assault in the state’s 13,200-strong National Guard found 90 instances, 94% of which targeted women who make up 20% of the Guard.

—New York Times, May 3 & 17, and Minneapolis StarTribune, April 26, 2019; USA Today, April 12, 2018

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Uncategorized, War

December 31, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

In the Face of Immigration

Through the Prism of Nonviolence

By John Heid
Nukewatch Quarterly Winter 2018-19

“And the resistance actually has roots that stretch to the beginning of the human race. In every age, no matter how cruel the oppression carried on by those in power, there have been those who struggled for a different world. I believe this is the genius of humankind, the thing that makes us half divine: the fact that some human beings can envision a world that has never existed. Perhaps no one living today will see a major change. But it will come. And living in that world that is working to make it happen lets us know that our lives are worthwhile.” —Anne Braden

Finding Another America
The image of this mother with young daughters fleeing teargas launched by the US Border Patrol brought the humanity to the US-Mexico border when it went viral.

More and more these days I wonder what difference it would make if each of us in the US could see firsthand the human face of immigration—without media lenses, without political agendas, without ideological spins—simply eye-to-eye.

Last month while replenishing Humane Borders water tanks along remote desert roads, several of us humanitarian aid workers encountered Luis, a young man who had mired his 4-wheel drive pickup in an arroyo near a dilapidated windmill. After freeing the vehicle we talked with Luis about the risks of traveling solo in the desert. I asked, “Why are you out here alone anyway?” He replied that he was looking for his father who left Mexico for Phoenix on foot weeks ago and had not shown up. In his father’s last phone call 10 days earlier, he said that he was alone near an old windmill and nearly out of water. All this young man, an only son, wanted was to bring his dad back home to Phoenix where he had resided for decades. So he drove on and off road, in a place he had never been before, hoping against hope to find his father.

Last week I accompanied several members of the Tucson-based humanitarian aid organization Samaritans to a rugged mountainside 30 miles north of the US-Mexico border, where the desiccated remains of 25-year-old Jesús Lopez Villa were found last October. He too was simply trying to get home to his mother. At her request we planted a cross at the site of his death.

These stories are innumerable, and growing. The Pima County coroner’s office reported that another 122 bodies were recovered in the Tucson sector of the border between Sept. 2017 and Sept. 30, 2018. Each story is uniquely tragic. The accumulated weight becomes unbearable. The numbers begin to blur and numb my senses. After all, thousands have died. And yet, what are families to do? We are hard driven, or better said, heart driven, to be together. What can we as witnesses and allies do? The landscape around our borderland communities is an expanding graveyard. There is no end in sight.

Community in Borderlands

The US-Mexico borderlands region has been characterized by government and mainstream media as dangerous terrain, overrun by criminals and otherwise non-desirables. Our face-to-face reality on the ground tells a markedly different story.

On Sept. 21, the city of Ajo, AZ celebrated the International Day of Peace with a lively parade and communal gathering in the town plaza. The holiday was established in 1981 by a unanimous decision of the United Nations “to commit to Peace above cultural differences and to contribute to building a culture of Peace.” The Sierra Club reported that Ajo was the only community in North America known to have a tri-national event. People from Mexico, the Tohono O’odham Nation, and the US came together.

The circle of local residents and visitors at the No More Deaths’ monthly memorial vigil in the plaza is widening. In song, silence, and story we commemorate the lives of those who perished while crossing the desert around Ajo. A community aid center is now opening here. This office will offer information to local residents on their legal rights and hands-on ways to respond to the humanitarian crisis we are witnessing. People in the borderlands are finding deeper ethical and practical traction to provide humanitarian relief in the face of formidable odds including federal government efforts to criminalise such aid.

As I write these lines, the first wave of US troops has just arrived in Ajo. We are told that hundreds more will follow. Ironically an invasion is coming from the north, not from the South as anti-immigrant rhetoric had predicted. Out-of-state bands of armed vigilantes too have escalated their anti-immigrant activity along the Arizona-Mexico border. We are under siege by men with guns. A Border Patrol spokesperson said at a recent community meeting that the arrival of the army will be “good for our local economy.” Haven’t we heard that line before?

While this escalated militarization is disruptive to our border communities, it is lethal for the thousands of people—the refugee caravan and others—who are currently walking north from Central America; men, women, children, entire families armed only with hope. I believe these refugees are the current generation of people that civil rights activist Anne Braden was thinking of when she wrote of “those who struggled for a different world … those who can envision a world that has never existed.”

What a ludicrous mismatch: An army and militia vs. asylum seekers. Fear faces off with hope. Is our national security at risk? What is really at risk?

Immigration has a human face, as does fear. No army can stop, nor wall protect us from our fears, anymore than we can derail the hope in the face of others who like many of our ancestors sought refuge on this hallowed land.

As Anne Braden wrote, “Perhaps no one living today will see a major change. But it will come.” I believe it already is.

—John Heid works with the group No More Deaths and Humane Borders in Ajo, Arizona.

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Through the Prism of Nonviolence, Uncategorized

December 24, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

It’s official. Nukewatch turns 40 in 2019!

Dear friend of Nukewatch,

It’s official. Nukewatch turns 40 in 2019! Across four decades, this small but effective group has diligently monitored, reported on, and organized opposition to nuclear weapons, the nuclear industry and the war system. Our commitment to peace and disarmament remains as steadfast today as when Nukewatch started in 1979. It’s a birthday year. Help Nukewatch celebrate with a gift to make sure this organization survives to see 50.

Donate

Many times over the decades Nukewatch nearly closed its doors because of financial hardship, and each time an appeal went out, dedicated supporters came through to save the day. Thus, our work continues. Through the years, staff, volunteers and activists have stood at the fences, crossed the lines, faced the guns, argued in court, gone to jail or prison, written letters, marched, lobbied, published and leafletted to educate people across the country about nuclear dangers, military and civilian. For this, we continue to rely on your contribution.

Nuclear weapons and reactor programs have grossly contaminated our soil, air and water. And the perpetrators have no intention of stopping. But thanks to a renewed struggle toward nuclear disarmament—nuclear abolitionists having won the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize, and a huge effort to ban the Bomb internationally—the global movement for prohibition and elimination is gaining strength once again. Nukewatch has been there all along; from the beginning Nukewatch has been a partner of the coalition group ICAN that received the Nobel!

Nukewatch banner over Wisconsin Hwy 53 in Rice Lake, for “Women Ban the Bomb Day!”

With the US government galloping ahead with new nuclear weapons development—a gargantuan $1.7 trillion plan to replace the nuclear arsenal and its whole production complex—decontamination of radioactive wastelands from past weapons production gets short shrift or lip service (see Woolsey fire report on cover in your enclosed Quarterly).

As ever, with more and more cancers and diseases being linked to workplace or environmental radiation exposure, the White House—to save the nuclear industry money—is pushing the debunked notion that a little radiation is good for you. It has proposed an official weakening of radiation exposure protections (see Quarterly cover story).

While Congress and presidential administrations routinely add tens of billions to the military budget every year, they slash funds for food stamps, education, pollution control and healthcare. No major effort is afoot to wind down, much less roll back, or even audit Pentagon spending or its endless adventurism around the world. Some in Congress have proposed minimal but welcome cancellations of the most destabilizing and dangerous nuclear weapons programs. Where in the United States are there official calls for denuclearization or support for the new Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons?

Your donation to Nukewatch helps amplify and broaden the demand for peace and disarmament.

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While the Pentagon gets more money than it sometimes requests (and then loses large sums), organizations working for peace and reconciliation receive no government slush. Not a dime. Nukewatch’s grassroots work depends solely on you to get us through the years.

Without you there can be no printing of the Nukewatch Quarterly. Without you no one will answer the phone, do the research, write the reports, maintain the books, organize the next event, show up to speak, or join a protest delegation… Nukewatch needs funds for postage, heating bills, wages, insurance, paper, printing, phone, internet, and the list goes on.

Please help us cover the costs of:

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Please give so that Nukewatch carries on. With you, Nukewatch will continue to struggle and strive for a nuclear free world.

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Filed Under: Office News, Uncategorized

May 31, 2018 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Nuclear War ON Drugs: Air Force ICBM Guards Took, Distributed LSD, Cocaine, Ecstasy, Court Records Show

Whether Air Force guards are tripping on LSD, high on pot, or zoned on cocaine and ecstasy, they are a long way away from the Minuteman missile launch sites or “silos” that they “secure.” The underground launch pads have easily and often been occupied by protesters, as in this January 1990 photo of a North Dakota missile site, because they are unguarded, surrounded by a single chain link fence, and are often 20 miles from the guard posts. L to R in photo: the author, Barb Katt, Mark Rogness, Jason Loughead, and Dan Schector. Photo by Chris LaForge.

During the 1991 Gulf War, after we learned that US pilots were taking amphetamines to keep them alert during bombing runs into Iraq and Kuwait. I called it our “War on drugs.”

Last week’s US Air Force revelations prompted an updated version. According to records obtained by the Associated Press, Air Force guards in charge of protecting Minuteman III long-range nuclear-armed missiles in Wyoming, Colorado and Nebraska bought, distributed and used LSD “and other mind-altering illegal drugs as part of a ring that operated undetected for months.” Call it, “Nuclear war on drugs.”

The other drugs included ecstasy, cocaine and marijuana, and altogether, 14 Air Force personnel at the F.E. Warren Air Force Base’s 90th Missile Wing near Cheyenne, Wyoming were disciplined for their off-duty drug use, and six were court martialed for LSD use, or distribution or both.

Remember, these people trained to race out to the remote missile silos from their posts in remote Launch Control Centers and “force their way into and regain control of a captured missile silo.” Adding insult to addiction, it was a similar team of Air Force missile silo guards from the Minot Air Force Base in North Dakota that recently lost a 42-pound box of grenades for their grenade launcher. Driving between two missile silos, the back hatch of their APC popped open and it fell out. After two weeks, 100 AF searchers couldn’t find it, so the Air Force has offered a reward.

The AP got hold of transcripts of seven court martial proceedings in the Wyoming cases and they show that the airmen who used the illegal drugs were “supplied by colleagues with connections to civilian drug dealers.” According to the AP, Airman 1st Class Nickolos Harris testified that he had no trouble getting LSD and other drugs from civilian sources. Reportedly the leader of the drug ring, Harris pleaded guilty to using and distributing LSD and using ecstasy, cocaine and marijuana” and was sentenced to 12 months in jail.

While none of the 14 including Harris was accused of using drugs while in duty, Air Force prosecutor Capt. C. Rhodes Berry argued that Harris should be jailed for 42 months for “using hallucinogens and other drugs on a nuclear weapons base.” Air Force investigators found those implicated in the drug ring “used LSD on base and off.”

Another Airman 1st Class, Devin Hagarty, admitted in court to using LSD four times in 2015-16 and distributing it once, the AP said. “He also admitted to using cocaine, ecstasy and marijuana multiple times.” He was sentenced to 13 months in a military jail.

The AP reported that one airman’s blunder on social media (posting a pic of himself smoking pot) alerted investigators to the illegal partying, and they were then able “to crack the drug ring at F.E. Warren Air Force Base in March 2016.”

Tedium of mission-free service

It’s an old story that “missile field” duty in the Great Plains states is known as a “backwater” assignment, a string of months or years filled with boredom, tedium, and monotony with little chance for advancement. The cow town outposts of the country’s 450 land-based missiles offer little to Air Force personnel who see their counterparts assigned to US war zones in Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen, Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq and Libya where their “betters” can even earn hazard pay.

The fact that the land-based, Cold War missiles have no mission partly explains how drug use could become a means of escape. Airman Kyle Morrison testified at his court martial that “… colors seemed more vibrant and clear. In general, I felt more alive,” the AP reported. For his part, Harris said to a military judge, “I absolutely just loved altering my mind,” according to the AP.

Morrison admitted distributing LSD on the missile base in February 2016, and with a plea deal involving ratting out 10 other druggies, Morrison was sentenced to five months in jail, 15 days of hard labor and loss of $5,200 in pay.

Full disclosure: I was sentenced to three weeks in jail in 1981, two months in prison in 1982, and six months in prison in 1987 for separate misdemeanor trespass protests at Offutt Air Base in Omaha. Offutt controls all the Minuteman missile bases (FE Warren, Malmstrom, and Minot) and chooses the cities and bases that are targeted by the weapons guarded by the drug-addled Air Force.

Having known prison, I don’t advocate it as punishment for anyone, but both Harris and Morrison “avoided punitive discharges” from the service. What message does the Air Force send when drug ring leaders in the nuclear missile fields aren’t slapped with a less-than-honorable discharge?

What Airman Morrison told the judge must be true. Lying about prior drug use was “normal” in the Air Force. — John LaForge

Filed Under: Direct Action, Nuclear Weapons, Uncategorized, War, Weekly Column

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