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December 14, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Parting the Silk Curtain of Privilege

Through the Prism of Nonviolence
Nukewatch Quarterly Winter 2015-2016
By John Heid 

It is hard to face this. But all our phrasing—race relations, racial chasm, racial justice, racial profiling, white privilege, even white supremacy—serves to obscure that racism is a visceral experience, that it dislodges brains, blocks airways, rips muscles, extracts organs, cracks bones, breaks teeth. You must never look away from this. 

—Ta-Nehisi Coates, Between The World And Me 

“Don’t all lives matter?” yelled an off-duty police officer to me over the din of idling traffic. He was stopped at a red light during rush hour in downtown Tucson where I and other members of Stand Up For Racial Justice were holding signs that read “Black Lives Matter.” I hollered back “Of course they do; no one here is saying they don’t…” Then the light turned green and he drove off leaving me in a fog of exhaust and frustration. He was not the only commuter that evening to shout out that hollow query. These drive-by moments are more theatrical than productive. The matters at hand can hardly be addressed by volleying sound bites and clichés. I understand. Just a few months earlier I was asking aloud the very same query: “Don’t all lives matter?”

For years I believed that I was pretty well attuned to racial injustice despite the efforts of some who sought to disabuse me of my self-assuredness. I considered myself to be a nonviolent activist as if that moniker somehow granted me automatic immunity from the social disease of racism. How could I be so flagrantly presumptuous? Privilege! It is as soft and seductive as silk, and nearly as impenetrable as teflon-coated chain mail armor.

In the mid-1960s my mother took my brothers and I to civil rights marches. She preached that all people are equal in the eyes of God. She spoke with admiration of Martin Luther King, Jr. Mom introduced me to John Howard Griffin’s best selling book Black Like Me. When I was 14, I went to a lecture Mr. Griffin gave and came out dizzy. How could the lives of black and white people be so different? How did I mange to ignore my childhood observations of people of color sitting in the back of the city bus while whites sat in the front? In my hometown, Erie, Penn., at 15, I went to hear Dick Gregory. How clearly I remember being puzzled. Why was this man so angry?

Any exposure I had to race relations during my adolescence was extracurricular. Nothing in my classroom textbooks ever invited me to explore, let alone challenge, the dominant cultural assumptions about race. The only book in my school desk that mentioned the word “privilege” was the dictionary.

In jails across the country from the mid-1980s on, I shared cells with many men of color. Some shared their stories. Their road to incarceration, their life’s journey, was categorically different than mine. I presumed we were in the same predicament—incarceration—but I was wrong. Their consequence was my choice. Our lives’ trajectories were not the same, even as we shared the same address. I now recall Malcolm X’s quote: “If you’re black, you were born in jail.” The guys were patient with me. I was a captive student, they my professors. In fits and starts I was learning on the job, or rather, I was un-learning.

Throughout the 1990s I attended lectures by Dr. Cornell West, Diane Nash, Angela Davis, and Jim Lawson. I read Audre Lourde, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Edward P. Jones, author of The Known World among others. Dr. West’s seminal work Race Matters stopped me in my tracks. Gradually, our understanding moves from the cerebral to the visceral. The entrenched edifice of privilege erodes much like a stone under drops of water. Now comes the latest drop, Ta-Neshi Coates and his short, powerful book, Between The World And Me. These writers and activists have been like bridges across the great divide of privilege; they invite me to cross over and examine my own journey, as much than theirs. What stereotypes do I carry deep within? How do I come to see the mirage of my cultural endowed privilege for what it is? And furthermore, how can I begin to transform the destructive consequences of this privilege into constructive ones?

The road comes without a map or dictionary. I stumble over terms, let alone ideas. What does Ta-Nehisi Coates mean when he writes: “But race is the child of racism, not the father. And the process of naming ‘the people’ has never been a matter of genealogy and physiognomy so much as one of hierarchy.”

What I write is not so much a confession as my acknowledgment of a reality that has been palpably evident to my friends of color—for years. Now, step by step, I’m coming out. I don’t feel guilty so much as liberated, or at least walking on the rocky road to something more real, more human than what my Eurocentric culture has taught and that I had bought hook, line and sinker these many years.

Frederick Douglass wrote: “Power concedes nothing without a demand.” I would add: Nor does the privilege that undergirds it. I now believe that for our nonviolence to be authentic and consistent we must work to dismantle systemic and personal privilege in its myriad and insidious forms—starting within ourselves. Black lives matter.

—John Heid lives and works at the Casa Mariposa Community in Tucson, Arizona.

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Through the Prism of Nonviolence, Uncategorized

December 14, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Nuclear War Theme Parks: Mass Destruction for the Whole Family

Nukewatch Quarterly Winter 2015-2016

In what looks like the establishment of state religion, government-funded monuments to nuclear weapons are popping up all over the country, and Minuteman missile sites are part of the scam.

Hoping perhaps to enshrine the myth that the “god of the underworld,” after which plutonium was named, can be transformed from a vengeful, self-destructive, nightmare demon, into a benign, peace-loving, fairy-tale prince, nuclear propagandists and their friends in Congress are establishing nuclear war theme parks—without the uncomfortable taint of mass destruction or Cold War hatreds—at former bomb factories and nuclear weapons launch pads.

  • Tours are being offered at the “B Reactor,” on the Hanford Reservation in Washington State which in 2008 was declared a National Historic Landmark. Plutonium production reactors for the nuclear arsenal were for decades sloppily operated there, releasing large amounts of airborne radioactive fallout and causing long-term pollution of groundwater which threatens the Columbia River.
  • A National Wildlife Refuge has been established at Rocky Flats, Colorado, outside Denver, where the machining of plutonium for nuclear bomb cores has poisoned dozens of square miles.
  • Near Fargo, North Dakota, the State Historical Society owns a deactivated Minuteman missile launch control center, dubbed “Ronald Reagan Minuteman Missile Site,” and has opened it to tourism.
  • In South Dakota, the retired launch control center formerly named D-1 is now called the Minuteman Missile National Historic Site and is run by the National Park Service. Visitors may go underground and personally simulate a nuclear missile launch.
  • Outside Tucson, Arizona, you can tour the Titan Missile Museum which opened in 1986 and was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1994.
  • At White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, six hours from Washington, DC, the Greenbrier hideaway was built by the Dwight Eisenhower administration as a nuclear war fallout shelter for 1,000 people—including members of Congress and their families. The bunker came with a power generator, a 60-day supply of packaged food, a hospital, kitchen, dining room, waste disposal, and a dental operating room. However, a nuclear attack on the capital would have rendered evacuation impossible, the airport a smoldering ruin, and the trains unworkable. Today, deactivated and restored, the site is making money by charging visitors for tours.
  • This November, the Energy and Interior Departments launched a three-site National Historic Park named for the Manhattan Project—the secret World War II program that built atomic bombs that killed 140,000 people at Hiroshima and 70,000 at Nagasaki. National Park Service Director Jonathan Jarvis said in a 2011 press release, “Once a tightly guarded secret, the story of the atomic bomb’s creation needs to be shared with this and future generations.”

Jarvis insults our intelligence by denying or feigning ignorance of the vast literature concerning the development and promotion of nuclear weapons. Available from any good library, histories by Robert Lifton and Greg Mitchell (Hiroshima in America), Ward Wilson (Five Myths About Nuclear Weapons), and Gar Alperovitz (The Decision to us the Atomic Bomb) debunk the official white wash of the massacres at Hiroshima and Nagasaki (that incinerating cities “saved lives”). All these studies are informed by thorough consideration of formerly classified documents regarding use of the bomb, the threat to use it, and its long-term physiological, psychological, and ecological effects.

***

But the government wants us to forget this down-side, and at least two motives are at work.

First, by treating nuclear weapons nostalgically, the centers teach the sham lesson that H-bombs are a thing of the past. South Dakota’s park service website says about the doomsday tour: “At Minuteman Missile NHS, it is possible to learn how the threat of nuclear war came to haunt the world”—as if the Air Force’s 450 city-busting Minuteman III missiles aren’t still on alert, ready to attack, haunting the world. Further, the H-bomb monuments are often given the deceptively sly name of “Cold War memorials,” again treating the nuclear arsenal as a thing of the past, implying that the country’s 7,000 to 10,000 nuclear weapons have gone the way of the Berlin Wall.

Second, official memorials devoted to nuclear weapons self-consciously deny or rewrite the disastrously pollution-intensive and long-lived effects of foisting the Nuclear Age upon the world. This “Columbus Day” style of American history—lionizing heroic efforts and ignoring terrible crimes committed by the hero—is the sort that is being rendered almost as artwork at these idol-worshiping military memorials.

At these shrines, nobody will learn that the Bomb was used unnecessarily against civilians without warning, and tested in the atmosphere hundreds of times in ways that caused at least 75,000 thyroid cancers in the United States alone, according to the National Cancer Institute.

Students will have to look elsewhere to learn that H-bombs have been condemned by every major religion on Earth and that in 1996 a majority of the International Court of Justice declared that the mere threat to use them in a sneak attack or first strike (the “alert” status of our land- and submarine-based missiles maintain this threat) violates International Humanitarian Law.

Neither do the monuments ever acknowledge the Bomb’s legacy of persistent radioactive contamination and the nuclear industry’s resulting worldwide epidemic of radiation-induced cancers. Neither do the memorials note that the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki are more controversial than any other historical crime of war.

Official US histories and wartime propaganda still claim that the two attacks “ended the war” by preventing a land invasion. This myth is referenced endlessly at the H-bomb monuments. Yet historical records unearthed since the bombings show that in August 1945, Japan was already defeated and, as the US Strategic Bombing Survey concluded in 1946, would have surrendered “certainly prior to 31 December and in all probability prior to 1 November 1945,” without the nuclear bombings, without a Soviet declaration of war, and without a US invasion. Indeed, the mass destruction at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was known in advance not to be necessary, as historian Gar Alperovitz has found.

In his book Mandate for Change, President Eisenhower wrote, “First, the Japanese were ready to surrender and it wasn’t necessary to hit them with that awful thing.” And Admiral William Leahy, wartime chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under Presidents Roosevelt and Truman wrote in his 1950 memoir I Was There, “It is my opinion that the use of this barbarous weapons at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was of no material assistance in our war against Japan. The Japanese were already defeated and ready to surrender….”

With the Obama Administration working now to complete three giant new nuclear weapon production facilities, we must also confront the utter uselessness of todays nuclear weapons. Even the late Paul Nitze, a founder of the anti-Soviet Committee on the Present Danger and former advisor to President Reagan did so. Writing in the New York Times long after the end of the Cold War, Nitze said:

“I see no compelling reason why we should not unilaterally get rid of our nuclear weapons. To maintain them adds nothing to our security. I can think of no circumstances under which it would be wise for the United States to use nuclear weapons, even in retaliation for their prior use against us.”

These are words to carve in stone at any atom bomb theme park.

—This essay is excerpted from Nuclear Heartland, Revised, published this fall by Nukewatch

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, Uncategorized, War

October 15, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Nuclear Heartland: Revised, Nukewatch’s Newest Publication 

Nukewatch Quarterly Fall 2015

The new Revised Edition of Nukewatch’s groundbreaking 1988 book Nuclear Heartland is now available from Nukewatch. Edited and expanded by Nukewatch staffers John LaForge and Arianne Peterson, the book includes updated maps and directions to the 450 remaining Minuteman III nuclear missile silos, as well as a foreward by Matthew Rothschild, former Editor of the Progressive magazine, and an afterword by long-time Nukewatch Co-Director Bonnie Urfer.

Because so many citizens have the mistaken impression that our land-based ballistic missiles have all gone the way of the Berlin Wall, Nukewatch is eager to remind everyone that 450 of the anachronistic and destabalizing missiles are still deployed on alert status: they are as vulnerable as ever to ill-behaving missile crews, incompetent commanding officers, and hair-raising computer glitches.

And, as in the 1980s when Nuclear Heartland first appeared, the missile silo sites are just as accessible and in need of protest and resistance as they’ve ever been.

Please see the back cover of this Quarterly to order your copy and copies for your local libraries.

Below are some excerpts from the Revised Edition:

From the New Introduction

Much has changed in the missile fields since the appearance of Nuclear Heartland in 1988.

The original Guide to the 1,000 missile silos of the United States brought much-needed attention to the mostly ignored or unknown presence of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) in the Great Plains.

Today, public criticism of nuclear weapons and war policy is on the rise around the world, in part because of revived recognition of and interest in the indiscriminate effects and the outlaw status of weapons of mass destruction. A well-publicized series of three international conferences on the health and environmental effects of nuclear weapons, along with the growth of several new anti-nuclear coalitions around the world, have re-energized the abolition movement after a rather long lull in popular protest—brought on by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of the Cold War, the seemingly endless War on Terror, and the urgent compound crises of climate change, resource depletion, population growth, and pollution.

Over half of the 1,000 Minuteman missiles we charted 27 years ago have been withdrawn, and three entire missile fields have been decommissioned. The ICBMs of Missouri, South Dakota, and Grand Forks, North Dakota are now all gone. In addition, 50 of the 200 missiles once deployed in Wyoming around F.E. Warren Air Force Base—flights P, Q, R, S, and T—were deactivated as of August 19, 2008, and have been permanently removed….

Additionally, the Pentagon announced on April 8, 2014, that to comply with the New START agreement, 50 more Minuteman IIIs would be removed from around Malmstrom Air Force Base in Montana.

Still, 25 years after the end of the Cold War, 450 Minuteman IIIs poison the Great Plains with their thermonuclear warheads and their constant threat of unlimited mass destruction.

Oddly, the National Park Service in South Dakota and the State Historical Society of North Dakota have turned former missile silo sites into “historical” landmarks—as if the era of intercontinental nuclear madness were a thing of the past. …

The United States currently has about 7,100 nuclear warheads, down slightly from its 1994 total of 7,770. About 2,080 warheads are deployed or launch-ready on missiles and bombers, and another 2,680 are in storage and could be hastily brought into use. The military keeps roughly 2,340 other “retired” but intact warheads in storage awaiting dismantlement mostly at Kirtland Air Force Base in New Mexico….

Today’s Minuteman III missiles are still expensively clothed, housed, and maintained on “alert status” in three fields of 150 missiles each: at Minot Air Force Base in North Dakota; at F.E. Warren AFB in Cheyenne, Wyoming; and at Malmstrom AFB in Great Falls, Montana. As of February 2015, each missile carries a single warhead, either the 335-kiloton W78 or the 300-kiloton W87.

From chapter III, “The Drawdown”

Political motivations and strategies aside, reality in the nuclear heartland changed forever on September 27, 1991, when President George H.W. Bush ordered the standdown of all 450 Minuteman II missiles. Dick Cheney, then the Secretary of Defense, announced, “This morning I have signed the ‘execute’ order taking our strategic bomber force and our Minuteman II missile force off alert status, thereby implementing the first part of the President’s decision.” Within 72 hours of the order, missile crews at the three affected wings in Montana, Missouri, and South Dakota “safed” their missiles by traveling to each silo and manually inserting pins that made launch impossible.

The START I treaty required that the missiles and warheads be removed and dismantled, the silos destroyed to a depth of more than 19 feet below ground level, all communication cables cut, and the underground launch control centers deactivated and filled with dirt. The Air Force was responsible for removing the warheads, which were sent to the Pantex facility in Texas—where they were made—for dismantling, and it shipped the missiles themselves to a facility at Hill AFB in Utah to be disassembled and stored. This part of the decommissioning process lasted from December 1991, when the first warhead was removed, through 1995, when the final Minuteman II missile was pulled from its silo. After this and other sensitive equipment was removed from the silos, the Army Corps of Engineers and its contractors, tasked with demolishing the launch facilities they helped to build, took over the sites at the three fields whose silos would be destroyed in compliance with the treaty: those at Grand Forks AFB in northeastern North Dakota, Whiteman AFB in Missouri, and Ellsworth AFB in South Dakota.

Did Protests Factor into Missile Field Closure Decisions?

Decommissioning 450 Minuteman II ICBMs, which had one warhead each compared to three on each Minuteman III, was the most efficient way for the US to comply with START I, while keeping the highest possible number of deployed warheads. The decision about which Minuteman launchers, or silos, would be destroyed along with them proved more complicated. Eventually, the Pentagon decided to move its Minuteman III missiles from Grand Forks AFB in North Dakota to the Montana wing controlled by Malmstrom AFB, so that Minuteman II silos in Montana would remain active while those that had held Minuteman IIIs in Grand Forks were destroyed. But why go to the trouble of transporting these 120 missiles—and their warheads—over 700 miles?

From chapter VII, “The Breakdown”

In the near future, the Air Force plans to eliminate 104 Minuteman III silos, 50 silos at Malmstrom Air Force Base in Montana, 50 at F.E. Warren Air Force Base in Wyoming, and four Minuteman test silos used for experimental launches at Vandenberg Air Force Base in California. Destruction of the Montana silos began in February 2014 and was expected to be complete in early 2015. Destruction of the 50 silos in Wyoming is to take place in 2015 and 2016, and demolition of the test-launch silos in California is scheduled for 2017.

Still, the United States is moving ahead with plans for new nuclear weapon production. Warheads for the so-called Long-Range Stand Off weapon, the B61-12 “smart” H-bomb, and something tentatively called an interoperable warhead.

The fiscal year 2015 Defense Authorization Act directs the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) to ramp up production of the plutonium cores of nuclear warheads known as “pits,” to demonstrate a production capacity of 80 pits per year for at least a 90-day period in 2027. According to Los Alamos National Laboratory, plutonium pit production is not needed to address aging of the plutonium, but only if new warheads are to be built using new pits (as opposed to reused ones from decommissioned weapons). The Alliance for Nuclear Accountability reported in April 2015 that the NNSA has not shown a “need” for new pits to maintain the nuclear weapons stockpile, “yet the plans move forward with inexplicable momentum.”

Greg Mello of the Los Alamos Study Group in New Mexico, told the Guardian the only reason that new H-bomb production is even being considered at all is simply private greed. This may come as quite a shock to some, but for-profit corporations now run all the US government’s nuclear weapons labs. They were privatized in 2006. One reason weapons development stumbles on in the face of nearly universal public sentiment in favor of nuclear abolition, is, Mello says, “The business model of the nuclear weapons labs is to blackmail the government into continuing excessive appropriations,” and continued, “The nuclear weapons labs are sized for the Cold War, and they need a Cold War to keep that size.”

Early Reviews…
By Dr. Helen Caldicott

Nuclear Heartland: Revised is one of the most frightening books that I have ever read. How we are still surviving on planet earth is a mystery to me. Every single American should read this book and after imbibing the information, they should rise to their full moral and spiritual height to take on the treasonous entities that now imperil our survival. These are the US Navy and Air Force, and the numerous corporations including Boeing, Lockheed Martin and others who make these monstrous weapons of mass destruction documented in the book. The people engaged in these treasonous activities are the real terrorists of our age. Let us name them, out them and remove them from the enormous power that they control.

Nuclear Heartland: Revised is an excellent compendium of the missile bases scattered around the Midwest in various farms and benign locations, with the bases mapped out in detail by people who care about preservation of the creation. These maps insult the senses when visualized. The book also documents the brave souls who have trespassed on the missile silos and poured blood on them and prayed that the never be used.

And it documents the sorry state of affairs among the US Air Force officers that control and run the missiles, the lack of esprit du corps, the boredom of their jobs as they sit below the Earth waiting at any minute to destroy most life on Earth. So much so, that many of them have been fired in the last few years for misconduct, drug abuse and sleeping on the job. And most amazingly in this day and age, the launch crews still operate with floppy discs and telephone lines that frequently malfunction.

—Helen Caldicott, a co-counder of Physicians for Social Responsibility, is the author of eight books including Nuclear Madness and Missile Envy. She recently edited Crisis Without End: The Medical and Ecological Consequences of the Fukushima Nuclear Catastrophe.

By Kathy Kelly

Why would anyone want to sow razors in a loaf of bread? The heartland of the US should be used to grow needed crops, not harbor weapons of mass destruction. I recall being deeply moved, during the height of the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union, as Nukewatch activists raised these issues.

They helped educate and radicalize numerous communities. Equipped with Nuclear Heartland as a guidebook, activists defied the buildup of US intercontinental ballistic missiles buried under Midwestern fields. Some hammered on the missile silos, some planted corn, while still others organized walks, vigils, and teach-ins. As political elites pursue a new cold war and the menace of nuclear weapons continues to build, Nuclear Heartland: Revised Edition reliably extends our horizons for renewed nonviolent resistance.

—Kathy Kelly is a Co-cooridinator of Voices for Creative Nonviolence, and the author of Other Lands Have Dreams: From Baghdad to Pekin Prison.

 

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Nuclear Weapons, Quarterly Newsletter, Uncategorized

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Food for Thought: The Banana Comparison

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015

“Sometimes man-made radionuclides are compared to naturally occurring radionuclides, such as potassium-40, which is found in bananas. But this is a false comparison since most naturally occurring long-lived radioactive elements, commonly found in Earth’s crust, are very weakly radioactive.

“Note that potassium-40 has a specific activity of 71 ten-millionths of a curie-per-gram. Compare that to 88 curies per gram for cesium-137 and 140 curies per gram for strontium-90. In other words, cesium-137 is 12 million times more radioactive than potassium-40. This is like comparing an atomic bomb to a stick of dynamite. Strontium-90 releases almost 20 million times more radiation per unit mass than potassium-40. Which one of these would you rather have in your bananas?”

—Steven Starr, “The Contamination of Japan with Radioactive Cesium,” Crisis Without End, Helen Caldicott, Ed., The New Press, 2014, p. 46

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Uncategorized

May 4, 2015 by Nukewatch Leave a Comment

Call Them Cancer Salons: Melanomas Again Tied to Indoor Tanning

Nukewatch Quarterly Spring 2015

TEQUEST, Florida—According to the National Cancer Institute, the use of commercial indoor tanning beds causes roughly 400,000 cases of skin cancer in the United States every year, and 6,000 of them come in the form of melanoma, the deadliest form. Still the salons are allowed to promote themselves by promising beauty and, believe it or not, “better health.” Tanning salons are big business with about 14,000 salons nationwide in 2014. There are more tanning sites in sunny Florida than there are McDonald’s restaurants. And the “beauty” treatment is cheap, about $7 for 20 minutes. The good news is that because of the growing concern over tanning’s cancer risks—melanoma has risen by one-third in women under 40 since the early ‘90s—40 states have restricted its use by minors, and nine have adopted outright bans for minors. In addition, the government documented the first ever drop in tanning among teenage girls and a recent decline in the overall number of tanning salons.

—New York Times, Jan. 11, 2015

Filed Under: Newsletter Archives, Quarterly Newsletter, Uncategorized

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